Disarmament Diplomacy
Issue No. 29, August - September
1998
CTBT Update
by Sandra Glass
Editorial Introduction
24 September 1998 is the two-year anniversary of the signing of
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), which Disarmament
Diplomacy marks with a detailed analysis by Sandra Glass of the
technical, verification and organisational progress being made in
setting up the CTBT Organisation (CTBTO) in Vienna.
As of 10 September, the Treaty has been signed by 150 States and
ratified by 20. As explained by Glass, the Treaty will enter into
force following its ratification by 44 States named in article XIV
as possessing nuclear power or research reactors (1). Of these
States, three have yet to sign the Treaty: North Korea, which has
given no indication of its intentions, and India and Pakistan,
whose nuclear tests in May this year have, in the opinion of many
observers, endangered their regional security and thrown the
stability of the global non-proliferation regime into serious
doubt. In the aftermath of the May tests, however, one
silver-lining seemed perceptible: the possibility that India and
Pakistan might subsequently sign and ratify the test ban. Both
States have expressed backing for a mutual moratorium on testing
and indicated in talks with the United States and others that they
may be willing to join the CTBT.
Since blocking the transmission of the treaty text from the
Conference on Disarmament to the United Nations in 1996, India has
maintained that its opposition to the accord was motivated not by a
desire to test but to the Treaty's flawed and discriminatory
nature. Pakistan, in contrast, made clear that it could not join a
Treaty which its powerful neighbour continues to disavow, although
it has recently sought to delink its decisions from those of
India.
On 4 August, Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee
addressed the issue in a speech to the lower house of the
Parliament in New Delhi, the Lok Sabha. His words seemed to suggest
that his Government no longer objected to the Treaty in principle,
and that India would not jeopardise its future nuclear options by
becoming a State party: "India remains committed to this dialogue
with a view to arriving at a decision regarding adherence to the
CTBT... These dialogues have been undertaken after satisfying
ourselves that India no longer requires to undertake nuclear
explosions." Referring to India's self-declared moratorium,
Vajpayee added: "Naturally India reserves the right to review this
decision if in its judgment extraordinary events take place that
jeopardise India's supreme national interests. The CTBT also gives
the same right to every country."
This would suggest CTBT-membership by India and Pakistan may be
only a matter of time, with political bargaining to be conducted,
rather than an ideological gulf to be bridged: for example, both
States may hope for a relaxation of sanctions to be agreed before
any announcement is made. On 5 August, quotes from unnamed Indian
officials clearly supported this interpretation of the Prime
Minister's remarks: "[W]hat the Prime Minister meant is that if we
did not sign the CTBT earlier, it was because of our national
security concerns. The situation has altered after the nuclear
tests. What now remains before our adhering to the CTBT is finding
ways and means. That depends on what we get in return from the key
interlocutors for our commitment to the dialogue on [the] CTBT."
(The Times of India, 5 August)
President Clinton is due to visit South Asia in November, and
there will be strong pressure for both countries to commit to
joining the CTBT before he arrives. According to National Security
Advisor Sandy Berger, speaking on 8 September, "we will take a
decision on the trip by the end of September." So far, Berger
added, "there's been some movement [but] not enough at this point
to justify going." Speaking the same day, the principal secretary
to Vajpayee, Brajesh Mishra, told Reuters that India would not be
rushed into any decision: "We're not in a hurry in the sense that
there is enough time, there is at least a year's time before we
have to finally make up our mind whether we are going to join or
not join."
On 14 September, Mishra, replying to a journalist's question,
stated that "it is not correct to say that [the] CTBT is
discriminatory." He did insist, however, that the "question of" the
Treaty's "linkage to disarmament" had to be worked out before
Indian accession - an assertion which would suggest that New Delhi
still harbours political objections, if not now in principle, to
the scope and ambition of the ban. Mishra was also adamant that
these were general objections, motivated by a pro-disarmament
agenda, and not an attempt to wring benefits for India out of
States, particularly the United States, eager to secure Indian
membership. Describing such a claim as "quite misleading," Mishra
claimed: "We have not asked for any concessions, nor have we asked
anybody to recognise us as a nuclear-weapon State."
On 16 September, Vajpayee, addressing a news conference in
Madras, suggested that the "linkage to disarmament" was by no means
the only remaining obstacle to membership. The Prime Minister
stated: "I know the Treaty is not going to be amended, but certain
other arrangements could be made which will facilitate our
work...particularly regarding [the] transfer of high technology."
His remark was interpreted as referring primarily to the Nuclear
Suppliers Group (NSG), which India officially objects to because of
a perceived, general discrimination against States in the
developing world seeking non-military nuclear technology. Because
its nuclear facilities are not subject to International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards, current NSG rules bar the transfer
of nuclear-related technology to India.
In addition to the accession of India and Pakistan, the Treaty's
entry into force faces prolonged delays due to ratification
problems in the US Senate and Russian Duma. Britain and France
ratified early in April 1998, but China is giving every indication
of not being in a hurry, preferring to leave it until after the
bigger nuclear powers have ratified. The Treaty's difficulties in
the US Congress, which currently enjoys a Republican majority in
both Houses, were already considerable before May, with some
Senators linking ratification with government commitment to
ballistic missile defence, some wanting pork barrel contracts for
their regions, and others seeking leverage and backing for their
own legislative priorities. As the following quote from Jesse
Helms, Chair of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
makes clear, the South Asian tests were seized on by opponents of
the CTBT as justification for their reluctance to ratify. Speaking
before Pakistan tested, Helms proclaimed: "India's actions
demonstrate that the...Treaty...from a non-proliferation standpoint
is scarcely more than a sham. I hope that the Clinton
Administration has learned from its mistakes sufficiently to refuse
to allow India to paper over its actions by signing the CTBT. I,
for one, cannot and will not agree to any treaty which would
legitimise de facto India's possession of these weapons,
just so long as they are not caught testing them. ... What is
needed at this time, is not a scramble for an arms control treaty
that prohibits the United States from guaranteeing the safety of
the American people and the reliability of its nuclear stockpile."
(Statement from Senator Helms' office, 13 May.)
By contrast, senior figures from President Clinton himself to
the Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, have publicly
demonstrated their support for the CTBT and called on Congress not
to hold such an important arms control measure hostage to domestic
political agendas. The government has also re-emphasised its
support for the $4.2 billion stockpile stewardship programme,
viewed as the price for support for the CTBT from the Pentagon, the
influential nuclear weapons laboratories, and certain key
senators.
There seems little probability that Congress will ratify the
Treaty before the November mid-term elections. Ratification will
require a two-thirds majority: 67 of 100 members. On 3 September,
the Senate voted on whether to approve $29 million of funds for the
Preparatory Commission for the CTBTO in Vienna. According to
Majority Leader Trent Lott, speaking before the vote: "Anything
less than 67 votes in support of this amendment will send a strong
signal that the Senate is prepared to reject this treaty." (The
Washington Post, 3 September.) The amendment passed by 49 votes
to 44.
Article XIV Conference
Article XIV of the CTBT provided for a conference if the Treaty
had not entered into force three years after being opened for
signature. As Glass discusses, there is some disagreement about
when this should take place, but the majority view is that the
Conference should be held in September 1999. The Treaty also
requires that this 'Article XIV conference' be held each year until
entry into force is effected. The signatories have already begun to
discuss the structure and function of the Article XIV Conference,
which is open to all States which have ratified.
Various options are being explored. There are competing
rationales for holding the Conference in Vienna or New York (with
other venues, such as Geneva, a possibility, but less likely). In
view of the necessity to hold this conference annually until entry
into force, the current preference is for a short, very focused
Conference of three days. Article XIV did not empower the
conference to waive the entry-into-force requirements, but only to
"consider and decide by consensus what measures consistent with
international law may be undertaken to accelerate the ratification
process in order to facilitate the early entry into force" of the
Treaty. Since it cannot accomplish full entry into force without
the 44 listed States, the Article XIV conference has essentially
two options: to create conditions of political pressure to bring
about the desired ratifications; and to set up mechanisms under
which the CTBTO and its verification system could be provisionally
applied. Since provisional application carries its own headaches in
terms of decision-making and authority, payment sharing, and how to
differentiate the role and responsibilities of ratified members and
'observers' who have signed but not ratified, this may be a last
resort option. To begin with, therefore, it may be more useful to
regard the Article XIV conference as a mechanism for raising
awareness of the importance of a universal CTBT. It could, however,
agree structures and procedures for ensuring that the verification
regime is established and paid for and that the officials of the
Provisional Technical Secretariat (PTS) have appropriate political
oversight and authority for their work.
It is not at present clear what role or responsibilities would
be extended to CTBT signatories who have signed but not ratified.
No doubt they should be encouraged to attend the Conference, but
perhaps as observers with no decision-making rights. Exclusion from
decision-making may be one incentive the Article XIV Conference can
employ to induce governments to speed up the legislative process of
ratification. CTBT advocates have expressed the hope that there
will be at least 40 ratifications by 24 September, 1999, the target
date for requesting the UN Secretary General (as CTBT depositary)
to convene the Article XIV conference. The debate about the role
and function of this conference is just beginning to hot up, and
will be covered in future issues of Disarmament
Diplomacy.
Note
1. The 44 States are: Algeria, Argentina, Australia, Austria,
Bangladesh, Belgium, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China,
Colombia, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Egypt, Finland,
France, Germany, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iran (Islamic Republic
of), Israel, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Pakistan,
Peru, Poland, Romania, Republic of Korea, Russian Federation,
Slovakia, South Africa, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey,
Ukraine, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
United States of America, Viet Nam, Zaire.
The CTBT: Two Years On
By Sandra Glass
In the meantime, the Preparatory Commission, which had a shaky
start in New York in November 1996 when States Signatories could
not agree on how to apportion the high level posts of the
Provisional Technical Secretariat (each regional group wanted to be
assured of one), is now off and running, under the energetic
leadership of Dr. Wolfgang Hoffmann, previously ambassador of
Germany to the Conference on Disarmament during the negotiations.
The Preparatory Commission, financed by the States Signatories to
set up the complex global verification regime of the Treaty and to
prepare for its entry into force, has just concluded its sixth
session in Vienna, 17-19 August, with the participation of 76
States and three Observers. While the major issue of the session
was the budget of the Preparatory Commission for 1999, which
determines how much work can be accomplished next year towards the
implementation of the verification regime, signatories adopted a
number of substantial recommendations from the two Working Groups -
one on budget and administration and one on verification--which
meet between each of the three sessions of the Preparatory
Commission every year.
The Preparatory Commission is composed of all States which have
signed the Treaty. It established in Vienna a Provisional Technical
Secretariat to assist the Commission in its activities. The
Preparatory Commission and its Working Groups have assigned
increasing numbers of responsibilities to the PTS since it started
operating, and the Preparatory Commission then oversees the
performance of these tasks by the PTS and makes recommendations for
further work. In turn, the Executive Secretary, Dr. Hoffmann,
reports on its activities to each session of the Preparatory
Commission.
Working Group B, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Ola Dahlman of
Sweden, previously chairman of the Conference on Disarmament's
Group of Seismic Experts for 14 years, has taken large strides
towards setting up the vast machinery involved in the International
Monitoring System (IMS) to detect and identify nuclear explosions,
an International Data Centre (IDC), and other measures called for
under the Treaty's article IV on verification.
The IMS is to comprise a global network of 321 monitoring
stations capable of detecting nuclear explosions around the world.
The network includes 50 primary and 120 auxiliary seismic stations
which are able to detect nuclear explosions down to a low yield.
The system is designed in such a way as to distinguish between
nuclear explosions and some 50,000 earthquakes likely to be picked
up by the seismic system every year. It also includes 80
radionuclide stations to identify radioactive particles released
during a nuclear explosion; 40 of these are to be capable of
detecting noble gases. The radionuclide monitoring stations are to
be supported by 16 laboratories for the analysis of samples.
Further, 60 infrasound stations and 11 hydroacoustic stations are
to be installed to detect acoustic signals in the atmosphere or
under water that might be generated by a nuclear explosion.
All of these stations are to be connected directly on line to an
International Data Centre in Vienna, and will start sending their
data there for processing and analysis beginning next year.
Currently data from a limited number of stations is transmitted to
the prototype IDC in Arlington, Virginia for testing purposes, with
a communications line sending the data in real time to Vienna.
Pursuant to the Protocol to the Treaty, the IDC will produce
standard event lists and bulletins (containing time and location of
detected events) and screened event bulletins which filter out
events that do not seem to be related to a nuclear event. States
Parties may receive both raw and processed information. The
International Data Centre represents a significant technological
challenge, and requires state-of-the-art equipment, as gigabytes of
data from four different technologies will be continuously
streaming into the Centre from stations all over the world, to be
consolidated into a single data analysis system at a very rapid
pace.
The International Monitoring System is still in a build-up,
testing phase. Many of the seismic stations have been running for
years, but have yet to be upgraded and certified. Thanks to the
third technical test of the Group of Seismic Experts (GSETT-3), the
operational characteristics of many of the stations are well known,
which facilitates the task of the Provisional Technical
Secretariat. The PTS is concentrating on certification of the
primary seismic stations, whereby the station performance is
assessed. If they substantially meet the requirements, the stations
are certified. The first station to acquire certification was
Norway's Hamar array. However, although only one station has been
certified, and 30 are due for certification in 1998, up to 50
seismic stations have been identified as operational, needing
practically no upgrading, and installation work on another 6
seismic stations is underway this year.
While the seismic system had a solid basis from the GSE
experience, no corresponding core system exists for the other
technologies, which are therefore starting at a far less developed
or experimental stage. This year the plan is to install 10
radionuclide stations, 7 infrasound stations, and two hydroacoustic
stations.
The verification system is estimated to cost $l50 million for
equipment and installation, and to have annual operating and
maintenance costs of around $85 million when fully operational.
Seismology represented the largest capital investment in the IMS
for 1997 and 1998, i.e. $ 15.7 million.
Since it was created, Working Group B has been laboriously
developing the technical specifications for the stations and
instructions on how to conduct site surveys. The Group has also
developed certification procedures, operational manuals, training
programmes, data authentication procedures, etc. for the stations
of the International Monitoring System. At the recently completed
sixth session of the Preparatory Commission, Working Group B
reported on its review and assessment of the progress of the PTS
during the first part of 1998, the draft verification-related
budget for 1999 developed by the PTS, and numerous technical
issues.
Perhaps the most notable accomplishment the Working Group
reported on was the development of a list of 40 radionuclide
stations to have noble gas detection capability. Since the idea of
including such capability in the Treaty proved very contentious
during the negotiations, agreement in principle on this list is
considered a landmark. In this connection, the Working Group is
grappling with a clear definition of the role of radionuclide
laboratories in order to work out the analytical capabilities that
will be required at the laboratories. It will also need to further
consider the logistical aspects of transferring samples from the
monitoring stations to the radionuclide laboratories.
The Preparatory Commission reviewed the work of the
International Data Centre, which has remodeled and prepared its
facilities in Vienna, and which is to begin testing in the fall of
1999. The IDC has purchased its computer equipment, installed a
high-capacity communications link between the prototype IDC and the
IDC, initiated an IDC training programme, and recruited PTS staff.
The first of four phases to establish the initial operations of the
IDC has been completed. Data from stations at 63 IMS sites started
to be transmitted from the prototype IDC to the Vienna IDC over a
high-speed communications link in May. Efforts are now focusing on
the establishment of operations at the IDC, with development and
testing of the release 2 applications software, which should be
installed in January 1999. This programme will provide for the
computation of standard screened event bulletins, addition of
auxiliary seismic data processing, possibly transmitting IMS data
to signatories, and initial services such as data collection and
system monitoring. The Working Group will continue to review the
plans for the standard event screening and the initial draft of the
IDC Operational Manual.
This touches on another area that was politically sensitive
during the negotiations on the Treaty. The developing countries,
which by and large do not possess the capability to analyze the
data from the IDC, wanted to have the IDC screen it to the extent
that it could render an expert opinion on ambiguous events. The
more technologically advanced countries felt strongly that such
interpretation was the responsibility of the States Parties.
The Commission has given the Working Group the task of
developing a policy on public access to IMS data and IDC products.
Simultaneously, it requested Working Group B to continue
considering comprehensive policies on a policy on confidentiality
for the overall operation of the verification system.
The Preparatory Commission also reviewed the plans for
installation of the global communications infrastructure (GCI), to
support data transfer from the stations to the IDC and from the IDC
to States Signatories. The GCI will comprise communications links
between the 337 IMS facilities spread around the world and the IDC
in Vienna, Austria. Because many of the stations are located in
harsh environments, the most reliable means of communication for
data collection in most cases is via satellite links. The GCI will
also include communications links between the IDC and the national
data centre of each State Signatory, and it will distribute IDC
products and IMS raw data to the States Signatories. In order to
collect data from 337 sites and be able to send it to a potential
193 States Signatories, the plan is to have 530 independent
globally distributed satellite links (VSAT sites) with a central
communication node at the IDC. The GCI may be tested at up to 30
sites by March 1999, and a contract to lease the GCI equipment for
10 years is about to be signed.
Some States are requesting that data from their IMS stations be
routed through a national centre before transmission to the IDC,
and this additional expense will be paid for by those States
Signatories. Financial implications and technical requirements for
parts of the system were approved by this session of the
Preparatory Commission, with facility agreements or arrangements to
be elaborated with individual States Signatories.
Working Group B is considering a concept of operations for
on-site inspections, which is an area of the Treaty deliberately
left for the Preparatory Commission to develop. The Working Group
has drawn up lists of equipment and technical specifications for
testing and training, and work is proceeding on an OSI Operational
Manual. Procedures, guidelines, standing arrangements and
infrastructure are being developed to support an on-site inspection
after entry into force of the Treaty.
The Working Group and the Provisional Technical Secretariat are
developing a comprehensive approach to the evaluation of the CTBTO
verification of compliance system, and a quality assurance program
began in 1998.
In an effort to promote confidence-building measures, the
Working Group has developed guidelines for voluntary reporting of
information on single chemical explosions of greater than 300 tons,
calibration explosions, and information on other chemical
explosions. It also reported on its consideration of issues such as
designated laboratories for on-site inspections, authentication,
options for taking advantage of future scientific and technological
developments in order to maintain state-of-the-art equipment,
proposals for technical training courses by the PTS, and
post-certification activities and costs. Further, it has approved
the recommendations for improvements to the hydroacoustic
network.
To the surprise of some States Signatories, in the course of
investigating various station sites for surveys, the Preparatory
Commission last year discovered that some of the coordinates of
locations of monitoring stations listed in the Treaty are miles
away from where they should be, and in some cases in the middle of
a swamp or river. The Preparatory Commission decided that
alternative sites be surveyed and recommended so that work on these
stations can proceed, recognizing that the proposed changes will
necessitate appropriate legal procedures.
The Executive Secretary reported to the sixth session of the
Preparatory Commission that no legal facility agreements have been
signed yet with countries which are to host IMS stations. Instead,
the Preparatory Commission has authorized temporary legal
agreements, in the form of an exchange of letters, whereby the host
country consents to have work proceed on its territory. In this way
work from the 1997 and 1998 work programmes can proceed, and 29
countries have provided authorisation to commence work on 79
stations. Efforts have focused on site surveys in order to be able
to prepare sites and purchase equipment. However, some States have
expressed concern that a solid legal framework should be
established prior to installing expensive equipment in host
countries in order to follow standard privileges and immunities of
personnel, avoid taxes on the imported equipment, and safeguard the
investments to be made. The imposition of taxes by some States
Signatories may result in an addition of $5 to $15 million
expenditure by the Provisional Technical Secretariat, which could
have serious implications on the establishment of the verification
system.
The Preparatory Commission's Working Group on budget and
administration (Working Group A), chaired by Ambassador Tibor Toth
of Hungary, considers items such as financial regulations and
rules, the 1999 programme and budget for the PTS, staff regulations
and rules, legal procedures and agreements, and the imposition of
taxes by some States on the Preparatory Commission. In addition, an
Advisory Group on financial, budgetary and associated
administrative issues chaired by Mr. Andre Gue of France, considers
matters such as the draft programme and budget for 1999,
provisional financial rules, a capital investment fund, and a Joint
Common Services Agreement with other Organizations sharing the
Vienna International Centre.
Each year States Signatories to the CTBT have argued for many
hours over the budget of the Preparatory Commission, with those
wishing to see the verification regime established quickly
promoting a higher figure, while those who would prefer a slower
pace supporting a lower one. As mentioned previously, States'
positions on the budget are influenced by their view of when they
expect entry into force to occur. If a State perceives that the
Treaty will enter into force at an early date, it may wish to spend
more money to progress rapidly on the establishment of the
verification regime. If, on the other hand, it appears that the
Treaty will not enter force until a later time, countries are less
likely to spend on this endeavor. In addition, some countries have
problems supporting a greatly increased budget for 1999 because of
their domestic financial problems. Japan in particular has been
advocating restraint in the budget due to the economic crisis in
the region and an increase in its CTBT assessments. Most other
States were willing to see the budget increase in order to proceed
apace with the establishment of the verification regime, with the
United States and France pushing originally for $90 million or
more, now modified to $81 million. The Preparatory Commission
started with a budget of $30 million for 1997; it increased to $58
million in 1998, and appears to be headed for the realm of $75
million for 1999. About $17 million of this is devoted to
non-verification activities, including administrative costs and the
cost of the policy-making organs. Final decision on the 1999 budget
will be made at the November 1998 meeting of the Preparatory
Commission.
The Provisional Technical Secretariat now employs about 140
staff members - half of whom are in the professional category -
from 52 States Signatories. Housed in the Vienna International
Centre along with the UN Offices and the IAEA, the PTS is the
precursor to the Technical Secretariat called for under the article
on Organization in the Treaty upon entry into force. Following a
request by the Preparatory Commission, the Provisional Technical
Secretariat has established an Experts Communication System which
is used to make documents available to some 350 experts registered
so far around the world prior to and during the meetings taking
place in Vienna via secure Internet communications.
Under the provisions of the article on entry into force, if the
Treaty has not entered into force "three years after the date of
the anniversary of its opening for signature" a conference of those
States that have already ratified it shall be held to decide what
measures may be taken to accelerate the ratification process in
order to facilitate the Treaty's entry into force. Much discussion
has taken place in the corridors and legal opinions have been
sought regarding the interpretation of when this conference is
meant to take place, but the generally held view is that it will be
held in September of 1999 in New York or Vienna. The negotiating
history of the Treaty reveals that the delegation which supplied
the language intended the time span to mean three years, even if
the language is a bit awkward. Some delegations held that the
Treaty language should be interpreted as four years.
This puts pressure on States to ratify the Treaty before
September 1999, as otherwise they will not be able to participate
in the above-mentioned conference. Inasmuch as three of the five
nuclear-weapon States have not ratified the Treaty, and they seem
to be in no rush to do so, perhaps such a deadline is necessary to
spur them on. The United States is unlikely to consider the Treaty
this year for well know reasons, although it has been transmitted
by the President to the Senate, and some hearings have been held.
With the current crises in the Russian Federation, it is clearly
not a priority of the Duma. China is considering ratification,
although the time frame is not specified.
At the August session of the Preparatory Commission, States
Signatories expressed deep regret at the decision by India and
Pakistan to carry out their recent nuclear tests, which are
contrary to the goal of non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament.
They expressed concern that the tests would contribute to a nuclear
arms race in South Asia, and called upon India and Pakistan to sign
and ratify the CTBT without delay and without conditions. Many
believe that the testing by India and Pakistan reinforced the need
for a strong verification regime. It also demonstrates the
importance of this year for the CTBT and its entry into force.
Sandra Glass is a freelance journalist who writes on arms
control issues.
© 1998 The Acronym Institute.
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