Disarmament Diplomacy
Issue No. 14, April 1997
Can the CD's Impasse be Broken?
A Romanian Perspective
By Pavel Grecu and Cristian Istrate
Introduction: a particularly frustrating period
After the first part of its 1997 session, despite intensive
consultations, the Conference on Disarmament (CD) finds itself in a
deadlock as far as the programme of work and institutional
arrangements are concerned. Just eight months ago, a "long-sought,
hard-fought" objective in the process of arms control and
disarmament, the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), was brought
to life due to painstaking negotiations undertaken at the
Conference. Although the Treaty could not be formally adopted in
the CD, it represents, along with the Chemical Weapons Convention
(CWC), a major achievement of multilateral disarmament diplomacy in
the post-Cold War era. The CTBT is expected to impose, for the
first time, constraints on the qualitative improvement of nuclear
weapons and bring the nuclear arms race to a definitive end. It
will make a key contribution to the programme of action on
non-proliferation and disarmament agreed at the nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review and Extension Conference, as
a crucial step in the process towards complete nuclear
disarmament.
Now that the CTBT is completed, a legitimate question arises:
what will be next on the CD's agenda? At the dawn of a new century
the CD is called to embark upon a process of self-examination and
adaptation to a changed political environment. Well before the
conclusion of the CTBT negotiations last year, member States began
to consider the Conference's future, its new priorities, how it
could best serve the legitimate aspirations of humanity.
Appropriate responses and concrete actions are expected from this
forum without delay. Indeed, in setting its objectives and working
methods, the Conference must reflect current international
priorities. The struggle to devise generally acceptable answers to
all these demanding tasks has generated a particularly difficult
and frustrating period in the life of the Conference.
This frustration was all the greater considering the influence
of forthcoming events outside the Conference. The Helsinki Summit
between the US and Russia, the beginning of the preparatory process
for the NPT Review Conference, NATO expansion and its strategic
consequences for the northern hemisphere; all were often invoked by
delegations in an attempt to explain the prevailing prudent
attitude, and even the utter lack of political will, within the
Conference.
Towards defining the next priorities
As President of the CD between 17 February and 16 March, Romania
found itself in a position to coordinate the efforts towards
defining the next goals. Assessing the outcome of the consultations
held within the Conference, it seemed that three issues emerged as
priorities of action, demanding appropriate answers from member
States: nuclear disarmament; the fissile material cut-off; and
anti-personnel landmines.
The complete elimination of nuclear weapons is the declared aim
of the whole international community, the supreme objective on the
way to building a safer world for the generations to come. Since
the end of the Cold War, nuclear disarmament (ND) has registered
unprecedented strides due to individual, bilateral and collective
efforts. Unthinkable just ten years ago, the achievements so far
are impressive; they have indicated a viable, realistic, concrete
path to follow. Other approaches could also be imagined, and indeed
have taken shape in well-known initiatives, such as the phased
'Programme of Action' proposed last August by a group of
non-aligned CD States. The CTBT has convincingly demonstrated that
the multilateral negotiating framework can make important
contributions to the overall process. The problem now facing the
Conference is how it could best promote nuclear disarmament, so as
to complement and build on the existing achievements. The Romanian
Presidency therefore sought the views of member States on how to
deal with nuclear disarmament within the Conference.
Many countries believe that a multilateral, effectively
verifiable treaty to prohibit the production of fissile material
for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices (Fissile
Materials Cut-Off Treaty - FMCT) constitutes a prerequisite step
towards a nuclear-weapon-free world. The year 1995 marked an
encouraging development in this field, because for the first time
the CD agreed to establish a 'cut-off' Ad Hoc Committee with a
negotiating mandate. As President, Romania intended, and acted in
an attempt to ensure, that the consensus on this important
initiative be invigorated and brought to fruition soon.
While the importance of addressing issues pertaining to weapons
of mass destruction cannot be overemphasized, the CD should not
overlook the acute problem of conventional armaments, in particular
anti-personnel landmines (APLMs), which constitute one of the most
dramatic and horrific realities of our times. The adoption last May
of the amended Protocol II to the Convention on Certain
Conventional Weapons (CCW) is considered by many as an incomplete
measure, lacking an important degree of efficiency and inadequate
in coping with the global APLM scourge. In reaction, an
international campaign - the 'Ottawa process' - has been set up
aiming at a total ban on APLMs. Its stated goal is most ambitious:
concluding a treaty to that end by December 1997. Other initiatives
in the same direction, undertaken by governments or
non-governmental organizations, in the political as well as the
practical fields, continue to intensify and expand around the
world. Acting as CD President, Romania encouraged the idea that a
proactive role on APLMs should be asserted at the international
community's sole multilateral negotiating forum on disarmament.
This is, after all, a question of credibility and relevance for the
Conference. At the same time, any approach to the subject should be
truly comprehensive, taking into account all relevant aspects,
including national security and defence concerns, such as have been
already voiced by many delegations.
How did we proceed?
For the first time in the history of the Conference, the
Romanian President held bilateral consultations with all of the 60
members of the CD, in order to give everybody an opportunity to
address outstanding issues facing the Conference directly with the
President, in an orderly and non-discriminatory fashion. During
these consultations three main topics were discussed, as considered
above: ND, the FMCT, and APLMs. We encouraged the consideration of
each issue on its merits, in order to deter counterproductive
linkages. It was the belief of the President that, once a generally
acceptable response is given to those questions, then the remaining
issues before the Conference will logically fall into place.
In addressing the question of nuclear disarmament, several
delegations expressed the view that something should be done in
terms of dealing with this issue within the CD. Many of these
delegations consider that the negotiations on nuclear disarmament
should be a top priority of the CD - and referred to various
proposals made to this end. Concrete options were presented to
facilitate effective discussion of the issue: holding informal
consultations or informal plenaries; consultations by the
President, or appointment of a Friend of the Chair, or even a
Special Coordinator, to explore possible ways of approaching
nuclear disarmament themes and proposals within the CD; setting up
an Ad Hoc Committee with two tracks (or Working Groups) - the first
as a preparatory body on ND, and the second with a negotiating
mandate on the FMCT.
There were a small number of countries which rejected any formal
mechanism to discuss nuclear disarmament within the Conference.
Consequently, a consensus proved elusive.
No delegation explicitly opposed addressing the issue of the
FMCT during the 1997 session, in the form of an Ad Hoc Committee or
other institutional arrangements, working on the basis of the
Shannon report of 1995 and the mandate contained therein. Only one
delegation reserved its position, saying it needed to study further
the Shannon mandate.
While accepting the Shannon report as a basis for negotiations,
a number of delegations were of the opinion that the FMCT should be
dealt with both as a non-proliferation issue and a nuclear
disarmament one, by including existing stockpiles. Several
delegations believe that the Shannon report is comprehensive enough
and could accommodate everyone's concerns, and, on that premise,
argued that it would be difficult to revisit the mandate contained
therein. Indeed, addressing the scope of the future Treaty, the
report clearly states:
"Some delegations expressed the view that this mandate would
permit consideration in the Committee only of the future production
of fissile material. Other delegations were of the view that the
mandate would permit consideration not only of future but also of
past production. Still others were of the view that consideration
should not only relate to production of fissile material (past or
future) but also to other issues, such as the management of such
material. It has been agreed by delegations that the mandate for
the establishment of the Ad Hoc Committee does not preclude any
delegation from raising for consideration in the Ad Hoc Committee
any of the above noted issues."
Various compromise formulae regarding the question of stockpiles
were suggested, including: that the scope of the FMCT should refer
only to production, provided that countries possessing stocks
unilaterally declare them; or that the existing stocks should be
dealt with after the completion of the FMCT, in the broader context
of ND discussions. A number of delegations stressed the intimate
link between ND and the FMCT, indicating that the optimal solution
would be a package deal.
Although further efforts are needed in order to reach a
consensus, this might develop around the idea of setting up an Ad
Hoc Committee on the basis of the Shannon report and the mandate
contained therein.
During the bilateral consultations, only one delegation was
opposed to any discussion of APLMs in the CD. Most other
delegations, from all regional groups, were prepared to accept the
establishment of an Ad Hoc Committee on APLMs, subject to agreement
on the mandate. But some delegations made it clear that APLMs
should be seen in a broader context, together with ND and FMCT, and
stressed that ND should have priority.
Among delegations ready to support work in the CD, two main
streams of opinion appeared. One emphasized the humanitarian nature
of the issue and advocated that the future mandate of the Ad Hoc
Committee should clearly spell out the goal of a total ban of
APLMs, in some cases with a time-frame for achieving that goal. The
negotiations should affect in no way the on-going Ottawa process,
but rather complement it. The other stressed the need for realism
and avoiding over-ambitious goals, suggesting a step-by-step
approach, taking into account all concerns, such as national
security interests, demining, and assistance for APLM victims.
Three different formulae were put forward: setting up an Ad Hoc
Committee on Conventional Disarmament, which would establish two
Working Groups - APLMs and regional disarmament; appointment of a
Special Coordinator to prepare the ground for further work within
the CD and on the mandate of an Ad Hoc Committee; appointment of a
Friend of the Chair with the same task. The prevailing feeling was
therefore that the Conference on Disarmament should have a role in
dealing with APLMs. Of the possible items for its work programme
the Conference is probably closest to consensus on this issue; but,
clearly, further consultations will be necessary.
The Romanian proposals: designed in accordance with 'the art
of the possible'
On Thursday 27 February, a progress report on bilateral
consultations was presented to the membership of the CD in an
informal setting. Taking stock of his findings, as well as of the
preliminary remarks to the report made by delegations on 6 March,
the President held another round of open-ended informal
consultations trying to see what could be done in order to overcome
the existing differences of views, as they found expression in
previous talks. At this point in time conditions were ripe enough
for the President to air some concrete suggestions on the programme
of work and institutional arrangements for the current session. The
suggestions were as follows:
- asking successive CD Presidents to consult the membership
specifically on nuclear disarmament and report back to the
Conference at the end of their term of office;
- starting the work on the FMCT on the basis of the Shannon
report and the mandate contained therein;
- establishing an Ad Hoc Committee on APLMs which would start
working as soon as a mandate is agreed. In this respect, a Special
Coordinator could be appointed to work out an appropriate
mandate.
Criticised by some, praised by many, the proposals put forward by
the Romanian Presidency do not, of course, constitute a magic
solution. They merely represent an attempt to break out of the
long-standing stalemate which so badly affects the CD's credibility
at a time when the Conference is being looked at with interest and
hope. Romania strongly believes that, guided by optimism, courage
and good will, the Conference will once again display its great
potential to deal with the challenges ahead. This potential should
be used, now maybe more than ever, most pragmatically to meet the
expectations of the international community for greater stability
and security worldwide.
Pavel Grecu is Minister-Counsellor and Acting Permanent
Representative of Romania at Geneva. He is the Head of the Romanian
delegation to the Conference on Disarmament and performed the
function of President of the CD between 17 February and 16 March
1997. Cristian Istrate is Counsellor and Deputy Head of the
Romanian delegation. The opinions presented in this article are the
authors' and do not necessarily reflect the position of the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Romania.
© 1998 The Acronym Institute.
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