Disarmament Documentation: VISIT TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN BY THE FOREIGN MINISTERS OF BRITAIN, FRANCE AND GERMANY, October 21

AGREED STATEMENT AT THE END OF A VISIT TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN BY THE FOREIGN MINISTERS OF BRITAIN, FRANCE AND GERMANY, OCTOBER 21, 2003

1. Upon the invitation of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Foreign Ministers of Britain, France and Germany paid a visit to Tehran on 21 Octoher 2003. The Iranian authorities and the Ministers, following extensive consultations, agreed on measures aimed at the settlement of all outstanding IAEA issues with regard to the Iranian nuclear programme and at enhancing confidence for peaceful cooperation in the nuclear field.

2. The Iranian authorities reaffirmed that nuclear weapons have no place in Iran's defence doctrine and that its nuclear programme and activities have been exclusively in the peaceful domain. They reiterated Iran's commitment to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and informed the Ministers that:

(a) The Iranian Government has decided to engage in full co-operation with the IAEA to address and resolve, through full transparency, all requirements and outstanding issues of the Agency, and clarify and correct any possible failures and deficiencies within the IAEA.

(b) To promote confidence with a view to removing existing barriers for cooperation in the nuclear field:
(i) Having received the necessary clarifications, the Iranian Government has decided to sign the IAEA Additional Protocol, and commence ratification procedures. As a confirmation of its good intentions, the Iranian Government will continue to co-operate with the Agency in accordance with the Protocol in advance of its ratification.
(ii) While Iran has a right within the nuclear non-proliferation regime to develop nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, it has decided voluntarily to suspend all uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities as defined by the IAEA.

3. The Foreign Ministers of Britain, France and Germany welcomed the decisions of the Iranian Government and informed the Iranian authorities that:

(a) Their Governments recognize the right of Iran to enjoy peaceful use of nuclear energy in accordance with the NPT.

(b) In their view, the Additional Protocol is in no way intended to undermine the sovereignty, national dignity or national security of its States Parties.

(c) In their view, the full implementation of Iran's decisions, confirmed by the IAEA Director-General, should enable the immediate situation to be resolved by the IAEA Board.

(d) The three Governments believe that this will open the way to a dialogue on a basis for longer term cooperation, which will provide all parties with satisfactory assurances relating to Iran's nuclear power generation programme. Once international concerns, including those of the three Governments, are fully resolved, Iran could expect easier access to modern technology and supplies in a range of areas.

(e) They will co-operate with Iran to promote security and stability in the region. including the establishment of a zone free from weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East in accordance with the objectives of the United Nations.

Source: UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office, http://www.fco.gov.uk

Statements & Comment by the Parties

United Kingdom

WRITTEN MINISTERIAL STATEMENT BY THE FOREIGN SECRETARY, JACK STRAW, THURSDAY 23 OCTOBER 2003

Together with my French and German colleagues I visited Tehran on 21 October for discussions on Iran's nuclear programme. We met President Khatami, Foreign Minister Kharrazi and the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Committee Hassan Rouhani. Our discussions were aimed at underlining to the Iranian authorities the concerns of the international community regarding Iran's nuclear ambitions, and the necessity for Iran to comply fully with the requirements of the international atomic energy agency (IAEA) board of governors' resolution adopted on 12 September.

By the end of our visit, we were able to agree a joint statement, which committed Iran to comply with the three key elements of the IAEA board resolution:

This joint statement represents a good start to the process of resolving international concerns over Iran's nuclear programme and we welcomed it as such. But we also made clear to our Iranian interlocutors that the real test will be full and early implementation of the commitments they have offered. They know that the international community will be looking closely at the evidence in the next report of the IAEA director-general, which is due to be presented to the board of governors in early November.

The joint statement makes clear that, while implementation of the steps outlined should enable the IAEA board to resolve the immediate problem with Iran, there is also a longer-term issue. Britain, France and Germany remain ready to address that issue through dialogue with Iran on a basis for longer term co-operation, which would provide all parties with satisfactory assurances about Iran's nuclear power generation programme. We made clear that it is only once international concerns are fully resolved that Iran could expect easier access to modern technology and supplies.

The visit has demonstrated the value of a united approach between Britain, France and Germany, working to uphold the decisions of the IAEA and its board of governors, and consistent with the common approach to Iran agreed by several European Councils.

IRAN VISIT REPRESENTED THE 'BEST OF EUROPEAN COOPERATION' - STRAW (23/10/03)

'EDITED TRANSCRIPT OF AN INTERVIEW GIVEN BY THE FOREIGN SECRETARY, JACK STRAW, FOR BBC RADIO 4, THURSDAY 23 OCTOBER 2003'

INTERVIEWER: ...The Foreign Secretary Jack Straw who has just come back from Iran, is making a big speech himself on the positive case for Europe tonight. Good morning Mr Straw. A word about Iran first. Obviously from your point of view and your colleagues, it was a very successful trip?

FOREIGN SECRETARY: Well it was successful as far as it went. What we managed to achieve was an agreed statement from the government in Iran and three foreign ministers who were present about the co-operation by Iran with the International Atomic Energy Agency. The Iranians agreed to sign the IAEA additional protocol, which means they accept an international treaty addition for much more intrusive inspections than they have had before. And they have agreed to suspend voluntarily all of the uranium enrichment and reprocessing activities as defined by the IAEA. And in return we have said that if they bring themselves fully into line with their obligations then there are things that we can do too. But as I said in Tehran on Tuesday evening, the words are important but the tests of the words is action. And obviously we look and hope and expect that Iran will stand by the agreements that we made which hook in very tightly to the obligations on them posed by the IAEA.

INTERVIEWER: While you were there, did you warn Iran about meddling in Iraq? I have been reading an interview that Sir Jeremy Greenstock has given to the Guardian and he is deeply worried about it clearly.

FOREIGN SECRETARY: No I didn't. We were focusing on this issue and this issue alone. So far as Iran is concerned it has obviously got entirely legitimate interests in respect of Iraq, it has suffered under a terrible war with Iraq. President Khatami said very poignantly to the three of us and repeated at a press conference, that we didn't need to talk to him about Iraq's Weapons of Mass Destruction, his own people had suffered grievously from them. And of course, for the majority Shia population in Iraq there is a religious connection between the two countries because Iran is overwhelmingly Shia as well and many of the Iranians' holy sites are in Iraq. And one of the many terrible things that happened after the Iraqi regime was that ordinary Iranians were denied the opportunity to go for pilgrimage to these holy sites. There are elements of Iranian society which have been causing disruption in Iraq and that is a matter which we have taken up with the Iranian government. In so far as overall cooperation with the Iranian government is concerned, we are broadly satisfied with the degree of cooperation that we have received. We obviously remain engaged with them.

INTERVIEWER: As far as the trip itself is concerned with our European allies, you said it was pretty successful. What does that say about Britain and Europe? Given the background of what is happening today with the Conservatives and their demands for a referendum on the constitution, and your speech tonight saying we have got to make the positive case for Europe. We clearly now have a sort of nascent foreign policy don't we?

FOREIGN SECRETARY: I think that my trip with these two foreign ministers illustrates if you like, the best of European cooperation. Here you have three strong, proud sovereign nation states but each of us have recognised that we can do and achieve much more together than we can do if we do things separately. So we have pooled our sovereignty for this purpose. It was open to any of us - to Dominique de Villepin, my French counterpart, or Joschka Fischer, my German counterpart - at any stage to say we are not going to agree with the other two and we will withdraw to follow a German or a French foreign policy. But because we have been engaged on this, we have cooperated, we bring much more to the party. I think as a result of that the Iranians realised that they were not just facing these individual countries but unofficially we were speaking for a common and agreed position on behalf of twenty five European nations. Now a common defence policy was an element which was inserted in to the European Union treaties not in this new draft constitution but by the previous administration and agreed by them in 1992. And allow me to say that illustrates a key point that I have been trying to get across over recent months. Which is that this draft constitutional treaty involves far less significant change than the treaties of Maastricht, the Single European Act in 1996 and other treaties. And that is why we say that there is no case for a referendum.

France

The Europeans, Iran and the nuclear issue

ARTICLE BY M. DOMINIQUE DE VILLEPIN, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, PUBLISHED IN THE "LE FIGARO" NEWSPAPER, Paris, October 23.

Proliferation has become one of the major threats of our time. Trafficking is increasing in materials, technology and means of missile delivery. Scientists are crossing borders to give their expertise to illegal programmes. The result: States previously without weapons of mass destruction are today on the point of acquiring them.

Proliferation exploits the weaknesses of globalization: free flow of trade, access to confidential information, impenetrable financial networks. Previously, the channels of proliferation were structured and known. Today, we are faced by a diversity of secret ones, which are all the more difficult to combat. It is no longer only arms sales which have to be controlled, but also the spread of sensitive intelligence, delivery of electronic components and technological cooperation between States.

Why does this development arouse the international community's profound concern? Above all because it adds to the problems we face in crisis regions, from North Korea to the Middle East. It can thus only lead to even more instability, multiply the risks of confrontation and create greater imbalances. Proliferation is putting a lit match to a powder keg. It is time to extinguish it.

International agreements exist. For decades, they have proved their effectiveness. The twenty nuclear States which President Kennedy feared at the beginning of the sixties haven't emerged: the Non-Proliferation Treaty has defeated those predictions.

But let's make no mistake: these agreements have been circumvented in the past and there is an even greater danger of this in the future. From now on, their value depends on our ability to enforce and fully implement them.

For decades that country has sought to acquire a nuclear energy production capacity. This is a legitimate ambition. But it will remain so only if Iran provides proof of the strictly civilian nature of her programme. Yet the International Atomic Energy Agency's reports have raised doubts throughout the international community. In the face of the Iranian ambitions, concern is growing.

The alternative is clear: either we let the country pursue illegal activities, with the certain knowledge that this is bound to end in a confrontation leading to an impasse, or we embark on a demanding dialogue allowing us to find a way out which is in everyone's interest. By going to Tehran on 21 October, my British and German colleagues and I resolutely chose the second option.

We did this for Iran because we strongly believe that she has to exercise major responsibilities in the region. The restoration of confidence must allow Iran to become a genuine pole of development and stability. Her history, geographical situation, people and wealth of natural resources all predispose her to this.

We are doing this for Europe. Our continent maintains long-standing and deep-rooted ties with the Iranian culture and people. It cannot turn its back on a State with which it has for years maintained a dialogue which balks at none of the issues of concern to us: human rights, terrorism and regional security. Nor can it ignore the unacceptable risks which an Iran with nuclear weapons would present for it. By taking the initiative, we are restating Europe's mission of defining and defending its own strategic interests.

We are doing this for the Middle East, whose peoples long for security, peace and development.

Finally, we are doing it for the international community, driven by the concern to define a new method of settling proliferation crises. As every one can see: regardless of whether the country involved is Iraq, North Korea or Iran, we need effective monitoring procedures and appropriate means of response. We have to be capable of weighing up the risks, achieving transparency on the programmes and dismantling banned installations.

For months now, the warnings have been increasing: European Council conclusions, G8 countries' declaration on non-proliferation, resolution of the International Atomic Energy Agency's Governing Board. These set out the demands with which Iran has to comply. It is these which prompted our action. It is these that the Iranian authorities accepted during our visit to Tehran on 21 October: wholehearted cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency, signature and immediate implementation of a strengthened guarantees agreement and suspension of uranium enrichment activities.

These commitments will naturally have to be verified and implemented. But we are on the right path: that of working together and understanding our mutual requirements. Our discussions are the fruit of a long process. They have been conducted in a spirit of mutual respect, with the genuine will to reach a successful conclusion. It's for us to keep up the momentum.

The effort the Europeans have set in train must be a long-term one, since our initiative goes beyond the single case of Iran.

Firstly, it illustrates what the Europeans can do when they can themselves assess the threats, decide on the appropriate responses and then implement them. A strong Europe is in everyone's interest: that of our fellow European citizens, who thus see their security better guaranteed; the United States who can but welcome this additional backing for the pursuit of stability and peace; Russia whose ties with Iran will be able to develop more easily in a climate of confidence; and the multilateral fora, whose resolutions are more likely to be complied with.

Our initiative also reflects a requirement at the heart of French diplomacy: collective responsibility. When it comes to proliferation, the international community will obtain lasting success only if it demonstrates unity and determination. Strict compliance with international commitments must be guaranteed. This requires establishing effective monitoring mechanisms, for example by creating in the United Nations a permanent corps of inspectors. New instruments must also be developed with due regard for the existing legal rules: France's active participation in the American anti-proliferation initiative testifies to this. In future, thanks to the commitments made in this framework it will be possible to inspect cargoes of illicit weapons and dry up the supplies of the largest networks.

Thanks to this principle of collective responsibility we have made headway in Iran. It must enable us to take still more important steps in the Middle East. No one can resign themselves to the existence of a crisis, which always bolsters violence and extremism. How many more days of mourning and hatred will that region have to endure? It is time we all got to work to force the doors of peace. It is possible.

The principles we have applied vis-à-vis Iran - unity of the Europeans, respect for our partner and a dialogue with her which does not gloss over anything, together with a clear-sighted analysis of the stakes and firm objectives - must go on inspiring Europe and its allies throughout the region. They will not bring any immediate solution. But they will allow us to move from crisis to confidence and from silence to dialogue. As in the case of Iran, that would be a milestone./.

Interview with Dominique de Villepin

'VISIT TO THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRANINTERVIEW GIBEN BY M. DOMINIQUE DE VILLEPIN,MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS,TO THE PRESS- EXCERPTS', Tehran, October 21.

THE MINISTER - We discussed with the Iranian authorities how we could guarantee that they will honour their obligations and what prospects there could be for Iran's [civil] nuclear programme. So it's an important visit because, as you know, proliferation issues are at the heart of our concerns and we want to find the most appropriate way of resolving them peacefully.

You'll remember that at the beginning of August, along with our European colleagues, we sent a letter to Mr Kharrazi, the Foreign Minister (...). We're now at a new stage in our discussions since the International Atomic Energy Agency's work has made headway. A resolution, setting a deadline for the end of October which must be respected, was passed by the Agency's Governing Board. So it's in this spirit that I've come to Tehran.

THE MINISTER - (...) We are wholly aware of the international community's concerns about proliferation in Iran. We share them and are pleased to have the opportunity offered to us today. We have been in contact for several months. We have written to each other, had meetings and discussions. It is important to establish wholehearted confidence. We are here to create the conditions for confidence between Iran and the international community. We would very much like to achieve total transparency and obtain all the necessary information and commitments which the international community expects from Iran. (...)

THE MINISTER - It's an important agreement because it signals the Iranians' commitment to move forward in the fight against proliferation and today, during the meetings which we were able to have at the highest level in Tehran, they made a triple commitment.

Firstly, on transparency, opening up, cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency to supply all the necessary information. Second point: the pledge to sign very soon the International Atomic Energy Agency's Additional Protocol. And third point: the suspension of the enrichment and reprocessing of uranium. So these are three essential points which clearly mark Iran's will to commit herself vis-à-vis the international community to honour her obligations.

THE MINISTER - I believe that the situation of the international community, the tensions existing on the international stage, the importance this community attaches to proliferation issues clearly show - and I believe the Iranians are today well aware of this - that it's time to move. So Iran has given her agreement, a few days before the deadline given by the International Atomic Energy Agency and at a time when Dr ElBaradei, who is Director General of that agency, is continuing his work on all the Iranian sites. It is, I believe, an important decision. So this is in all probability the reason why the Iranians are today agreeing to commit themselves actively and voluntarily, I would remind you, to this process.

Q. - Do you think that Iran has satisfied the demands contained in the IAEA resolution?

THE MINISTER - I think that the three points clearly signal Iran's commitment and that this is totally in conformity with what the resolution required, what Dr ElBaradei was asking for. It is obviously now up to him to give his own opinion. I can tell you that all this has been done in close consultation. I personally had a meeting with Dr ElBaradei in Vienna a few days ago and we have been in permanent contact with all our European partners. Over the past few days I've also been in touch both with Colin Powell and Igor Ivanov. I think that the work which has been done and Iran's acceptance today clearly signal an important step forward regarding her genuine commitment to the fight against proliferation.

THE MINISTER - We have been in close contact with them, just as our British and German friends have. I believe that today this agreement has a solid basis./.

Iran

Iranian Foreign Minister Holds Talks with French, British and German Counterparts

Iranian foreign minister Dr Kamal Kharrazi and visiting foreign ministers of France, Britain and Germany, Dominique de Villepin, Jack Straw and Joschka Fischer exchanged views on Tuesday on Iran`s peaceful nuclear activities as well as the ways to strengthen Iran`s cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Elaborating on Iran`s views and positions Dr Kharrazi said, `The Islamic Republic of Iran complies with the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and is determined to continue confidence-building trend with the IAEA.

He reiterated, `Iran is not after nuclear arms and there is no place for weapons of mass destruction in Iran`s security and military doctrine,` adding, `Iran is committed and has seized the initiative for denuclearization of the Middle East and cooperation should be strengthened in this regard.

Dr Kharrazi pointed out, `Iran wants to fully enjoy the right to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes based on the NPT,` adding, `We attach great importance to our security, dignity and identity.

Expressing the hope that Iran would enjoy technical and technological cooperation Dr Kharrazi said, `Iran has high capacities for playing a role in maintaining regional peace and security and we welcome any cooperation and dialog in this area.

International Reaction

United Nations

'SECRETARY-GENERAL WELCOMES DECLARATION ON IRAN'S NUCLEAR PROGRAMME', UN Press ReleaseSG/SM/8954, October 21, 2003

Following is a statement issued today by the Spokesman for Secretary-General Kofi Annan:

The Secretary-General welcomes the declaration agreed in Tehran today by the Iranian Government and visiting European Union Foreign Ministers regarding the nuclear programme of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He encourages the Iranian authorities to further cooperate with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to resolve all outstanding issues with the Agency.

The Secretary-General appreciates the efforts of the Government of Iran and the Foreign Ministers of France, Germany and the United Kingdom in working towards resolving outstanding issues regarding Iran's nuclear programme.

International Atomic Energy Agency

Last week during a visit to Tehran, IAEA Director General ElBaradei received assurances that Iran would provide the IAEA with a full disclosure of all its past nuclear activities. The Government of Iran also expressed its readiness to conclude an Additional Protocol. Today's news (following the meetings in Iran of Foreign Ministers from France, Germany, and the United Kingdom) is an encouraging sign toward clarifying all aspects of Iran's past nuclear programme and regulating its future activities through verification.

The Director General hopes and expects that in the next few days Iran will deliver to the IAEA a complete declaration of all its past nuclear activities and an official notification of its readiness to conclude an Additional Protocol.

European Union

'Javier SOLANA, EU High Representative for the CFSP welcomes the announcements made today in Tehran on Iran's nuclear programme', Brussels, October 21, 2003.

In reply to questions from the Press, Javier SOLANA, EU High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), welcomed the announcements made earlier today in Tehran on the occasion of the visit of the British, French and German Foreign Ministers :

"I warmly welcome the declaration made in Tehran today whereby the Iranian government informed that it had decided to sign, ratify and immediately apply the IAEA Additional Protocol, as well as voluntarily suspend uranium enrichment and processing activities.

I have been in contact with the Director-General of the IAEA, Mohamed El-Baradei, and with the European Ministers during the process that led to today's declaration and I am pleased that it has yielded these positive results. This is a major step forward and an important achievement for our efforts.

Today's declaration, which must now be implemented, paves the way for a resolution of the Iranian nuclear issue as well as for the further development of EU-Iran relations."

United States

State Department Briefing, October 21, 2003

QUESTION: Could I change the subject to Iran? The White House has cautiously welcomed Iran's announcement that it would have -- it would comply on some aspects of what the IAEA has demanded. But yesterday we talked about the fact that you -- the United States did not want any incentives offered to Iran yet. That's basically what the British, French and German foreign ministers were offering: the prospect of some technology if Iran is going to comply.

MR. ERELI: What we said yesterday was that the requirements of -- the IAEA requirements and the requirements of the Nonproliferation Treaty are not negotiable. And that remains the case today.

Let's keep our eye on the prize, which is a common goal that we all share. That goal is Iran's full compliance with its IAEA and NPT requirements. In that context, we welcome the efforts of the UK, French and German foreign ministers to seek to obtain that compliance.

The key point is, if Iran carries out the obligations it has undertaken today, it will show what can be achieved when we, and our allies, send the same firm message on the need to comply with nonproliferation obligations.

QUESTION: But those are the inducements offered, Adam. Yes, if they comply, they would get this. But you wanted them to say there shouldn't be any if/then. You should comply, period.

MR. ERELI: I guess I would object to you characterizing the statements that way and putting words in our mouth. We've been clear. The requirements are non-negotiable, there's been no negotiation, there has been no need and no deal. What Iran has to do is clear under the Nonproliferation Treaty. It's clear under the Board of Governors September resolution. The statement that came out today reiterates those requirements, and we will be watching to see whether they do them.

Now, what steps after they fulfill the requirements are another issue, but this is a -- this is a first step. It is only a first step. That is, the important point is compliance, and that is a point that I would underscore British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw made today when he said that the proof of today's -- the value of today's statement will not just depend on words of the communiquÃ©, but, above all, on the implementation by Iran of what has been agreed to.

QUESTION: And how would you characterize the visit if it wasn't negotiations?

MR. ERELI: I would characterize their visit as something: (a) that we were in close touch with the governments about along the way; and (b) an attempt to bring Iran into compliance with its NPT and IAEA requirements; and that we wait to see whether Iran will fulfill the commitments it made pursuant to those obligations.

QUESTION: Adam, can you talk about how intimately involved or briefed Secretary Powell was on this trip, the discussions before, the discussions after? Was the -- were the Europeans going there on behalf of just those three countries, or was the United States kind of a silent partner in this? And if you can talk about any calls that he has received after the visit.

MR. ERELI: What I can say about that is that the three governments made an effort to keep us informed of their plans. I believe the Secretary talked to Foreign Minister Straw today. For other calls, I'd refer you to the party.

QUESTION: Okay, but in terms of -- was the U.S. a kind of silent partner in this, or it was just that they were informing you of what they were doing? How -- when the message was delivered to the Iranians, was it on behalf of Britain, France and Germany, or was it a four-way message including them?

MR. ERELI: The three countries kept us informed of what they were doing. They were acting consistently with what the Board of Governors of the IAEA had resolved in its September 12th meeting. And as we've made clear, this statement today is an indication of what can be achieved when we all work together to send the same firm message that Iran needs to fulfill its obligations.

This is a refrain that has been, I think, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan made very clear in his statement, that this is an issue that President Bush and the Secretary for a long time have been highlighting to the international community, and it is an indication that that message has gotten through, that there is a consensus on the concern and the danger that Iran's program poses to the international community, and on the need to act together to bring it into compliance with its international obligations.

QUESTION: So then the State Department or the Administration supported these countries going to Iran and delivering that message?

MR. ERELI: The United States supports efforts to get Iran to comply with its obligations.

QUESTION: What about the -- well, before I get to that, the Europeans were less confrontational with Iran than we were. They had diplomatic relations and so forth, and they managed to swing this deal. Is this -- does this lend itself to any comment on the two differing approaches?

MR. ERELI: I would take issue with the contention that we're on two different approaches here. As I said before, we share the same goal; that goal was expressed unanimously in the Board of Governors resolution of September 12th about our concern with Iran's program and the need for them to take actions to respond to those concerns. Iran's commitments today, if followed through, would be an important step in the right direction. And getting them there is a multilateral effort which we have been encouraging and participating in fully.

QUESTION: What about the -- what about the -- what is the fundamental difference between the Russians providing enrichment services as opposed to the Europeans providing enrichment services?

MR. ERELI: Right now, nobody is providing enrichment services. So there's no no support from anybody for Iranian enrichment activities because they have concerns about Iranian noncompliance with NPT and IAEA obligations. And what everybody is saying, pretty unanimously, is that they've got to comply with those requirements and answer questions, answer a series of questions to the IAEA, before anybody is going to look at what might or what might not be done in that area.

MR. ERELI: Premature to talk about until we see what Iran is complying with.

MR. ERELI: The deal is Iran has made a commitment to fulfill its obligations under the NPT and the IAEA, and it is now up to Iran to follow through on that deal.

QUESTION: But they made a deal with the Europeans in exchange for fuel, right?

MR. ERELI: That's not my reading of it. I do not see anything that says that the Europeans have offered something in return for -- or that the Iranians have offered anything in return -- that anybody has offered -- that there's any quid pro quo, that if you do this, we will do this; that you have to, that you are required to do this.

QUESTION: But you think it's all the same to say that you need to do this or if you do this you can get some nuclear technology at the -- after that? You think those are the two same approaches?

MR. ERELI: I think what's clear is that the Europeans have said that Iran has to demonstrate full implementation and convince the international community that it is complying with its obligations under the NPT, that that is what is required.

MR. ERELI: I think the important point that we see is that there is consensus on the need for Iran to fulfill its commitments and that other issues are contingent upon that, and that therefore, again, that is a restatement of longstanding policy and longstanding consensus.

QUESTION: But the foreign ministers acknowledge openly that they were going there to suggest this, that they would make it easier for Iran to get nuclear technology if they are to meet this deadline and make -- and prove that they're not -- don't have nefarious purposes for their nuclear program.

QUESTION: How can you say that that's the same as going there without saying, if you do this, we'll make it easier?

MR. ERELI: Well, I guess what I'm saying is let's see what Iran does. Okay? Iran has made these commitments. Let's see what it does. I really think we're getting ahead of ourselves here. It is important that Iran follow through on these commitments, and that's the first step. And, you know, what happens later down the road, at this point, is purely speculative.

QUESTION: But I don't see why this isn't a fair question. These are statements made by the Europeans, you know, and I understand that there are two sides and you really want to emphasize this side over here because this side just is great. However, this other side is out in the public domain, and all we're saying is, "What about it as well?"

MR. ERELI: But you're asking me what we think about talking to Iran about things that might or might not obtain once they comply with requirements. And what I'm saying is that let's see them fulfill the requirements first, and until they do, it's premature to talk about next steps down the road. Now, if --

QUESTION: Suggest that to the foreign ministers before they went there and told Iran these things?