Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
Safeguards, Export Controls and Nuclear Energy
By Jenni Rissanen
Sixth NPT Review Conference, Briefing No 7, May 3, 2000
The Main Committees on safeguards and nuclear weapon free zones
(MC.II) and nuclear energy (MC.III) have now each convened three
plenary meetings and proceeded to discuss various working papers.
MC.II, chaired by Ambassador Adam Kobieracki of Poland, has
heard plenary statements from 17 countries. MC.III, chaired by
Ambassador Markku Reimaa of Finland, has heard from 28
countries so far. This briefing looks at what the general debate
and MC.II and III statements have said about safeguards, exports
controls and the non-military uses of nuclear energy.
The IAEA's Director General Mohamed ElBaradei, spoke on
the first day of the Conference on the IAEA's verification and
non-military nuclear co-operation activities. ElBaradei stressed
the NPT States Parties' responsibilities in the strengthening of
the safeguards regime, noting that 54 States Parties continued to
be in non-compliance with the obligation to conclude safeguards
agreements with the IAEA and urging them to do so without delay.
Expressing his disappointment with the slow progress in signing and
bringing the 1997 Model Additional Protocol into force, ElBaradei
underlined that without it the Agency "can only provide limited
assurances that do not adequately cover the absence of undeclared
material or activities." He urged NNWS to conclude their Protocols,
saying that such a step would be further evidence of their
non-proliferation commitments. He said also that "verification, no
matter how good it is, cannot work in a vacuum" and must be
supported by effective physical protection and export control
arrangements, enforcement mechanisms, and by regional and global
security arrangements. International co-operation in the 'peaceful
uses' of nuclear energy was viewed as a key component of the Treaty
that needed to be honoured and faithfully implemented. ElBaradei
drew attention to the funding of the Agency's safeguards and
technical co-operation activities, underlining that the funds to
carry out these activities had to be adequate, assured and
predictable. He reminded the Conference that although the NPT
regime was not perfect but "clearly the best we have" and urged it
to "cement it and build upon it."
Safeguards
The statements reaffirmed the IAEA as the authority responsible
for verifying compliance with the NPT. Many shared ElBaradei's
concerns regarding the NPT Parties which have not yet brought their
safeguards agreements in force. South Africa, however, recognized
that the failure to complete the agreements was often due to the
lack of a nuclear infrastructure. In most cases, the simplified
requirements for the agreements and safeguards would apply, so the
IAEA was urged to give more support to countries to fulfil their
obligations. It was stressed that the integrated safeguards system
of the 'old and new' should not be an add-on but optimised to be
flexible and cost-effective. In this context, the
Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear
Materials (ABACC) advocated regional safeguards approaches. Many
also urged Iraq and the DPRK to co-operate with the IAEA.
Disappointment was expressed over the sluggish pace in which
states have signed and/or ratified additional protocols, although
Hungary said "tangible progress" had been made with regard to
adherence to the additional protocols. Ireland called the 1997
Model Protocol an important achievement that showed political will
by the NNWS to enhance the non-proliferation assurances. In their
N-5 statement, the NWS urged all NNWS to sign the additional
protocol and said that they were in the process of seeking
ratification for their agreements.
Australia, Canada and New Zealand suggested that not only the
safeguards agreement but also an additional protocol should in the
future be regarded as constituting the full-scope safeguards
required by Article III of the NPT and specified as a condition of
supply in the Principles and Objectives. It is expected that the
Group of 10 will propose that the Conference's forward-looking
documents include a reference that the 2005 Review Conference
consider the adoption of the additional protocol as a condition of
supply in the future. The proposal comes at a time when there are
reports that China and the Russian Federation have allegedly
expressed reservations about the principle agreed in the 1995
package, that the recipient country must have full-scope safeguards
in place and pledge not to acquire nuclear weapons. According to an
article by Mark Hibbs in Nuclear Fuel on April 17, these
views came to light during the drafting of the NSG and the Zangger
Committee reports. The question is reportedly a hot topic at the
NSG at the moment due to an announcement on April 6 that Russia is
planning to sell two new nuclear power reactors to India, an action
the US is expected to object to. Ireland stated in its MC. III
statement that "under no circumstances should those who have
refused to accept the non-proliferation commitment... be treated
more favourably than those very many States who have taken on this
obligation." The US called for "preferential treatment" for NPT
Parties. China stated in its plenary statement that it abides by
"three principles" on nuclear exports: they must be used solely for
peaceful purposes; be subjected to IAEA safeguards; and not be
transferred to third countries without China's approval. The NAM
extended its support to the principle under which the supply of
special fissile materials would require the acceptance of
full-scope safeguards as a precondition. However, neither the
statement nor the paper talk about the strengthened IAEA safeguards
arising from Programme 93+2 developed after the discovery of Iraq's
clandestine nuclear programme. The EU said additional protocols
"form an integral part" of the IAEA agreements, are relevant for
the implementation of the NPT, and that adherence to them should be
considered mandatory.
Iraq referred to the IAEA Director General's report from 1998
and said it was "in full compliance" with all its obligations under
the NPT and the IAEA's safeguards regime, protesting that "no
action had been taken" to force Israel join the NPT and place its
facilities under safeguards. In this regard, Egypt called for "the
establishment of an effective legal obligation to apply the
safeguards regime of the IAEA to all nuclear activities in states
parties alike, as a precondition for the transfer of nuclear
technology or material to them."
The EU and the NAM called for fissile material regarded as
excess to defence needs to be placed under IAEA safeguards. The N-5
were committed to placing their excess materials under IAEA or
other verification "as soon as practicable". Britain, for its part,
said it had placed its excess material under EURATOM safeguards and
subjected them also to inspection by the IAEA. The United States
said it was working together with Russia and the IAEA on this.
Export Controls
Concern was expressed again by several NAM states that export
controls were administered in ways that hindered their right to
participate in the "fullest possible exchange of equipment,
materials and scientific and technological information" provided
for in Article IV. Furthermore, perceptions differed as to whether
the goal of increased transparency on export controls, called for
in the 1995 Principles and Objectives, had been reached. Italy,
currently chairing the NSG, gave examples of the measures the NSG
had taken to increase transparency, and stressed that the process
was still on going. The EU assured that it would take part in the
promotion of further measures. Australia said that both the NSG and
Zangger Committee "have acted with determination to improve
transparency..." The United States argued that export controls were
"more transparent than ever." In contrast, Egypt, whose view was
shared by many NAM states, said the objective of increased
transparency had not been achieved yet and that instead "the
limitations...are increasing in a flagrant contravention of the
letter and spirit of both the Treaty and the Decisions on
Principles and Objectives."
Iran said that the record of commitment to Article IV of the NPT
had not been promising, arguing that the progress made on
cooperation in and transfer of nuclear technology for peaceful
purposes had been "slow and dismal". Iran expressed its "dismay
over the systematic denial of transfer of technology... and
restrictive export control policies" by the nuclear suppliers. It
said that the main objective, the domination and exclusive
possession of nuclear technology by developed countries, was
disguised "under the pretext of non-proliferation" and called for
the situation to be rectified. Iran's view was reflected in the NAM
working paper, which called for the removal of "unilaterally
enforced restrictive measures beyond safeguards" and instead
promoted "multilaterally negotiated, universal, comprehensive and
non-discriminatory agreements" as the best way to address
proliferation concerns. Furthermore, the NAM argued that no NPT
Party should be denied technology, equipment or assistance on the
basis of "allegations of non-compliance not verified by the IAEA".
Thailand, calling for a balance between the promotional and
regulatory activities of the IAEA, proposed that nuclear-related
export control regimes should be reviewed once the IAEA's new
strengthened system of safeguards is fully implemented. In
contrast, the EU called export controls a "sovereign responsibility
- a right as well as an obligation - of each NPT Member State". The
EU commended the NSG and the Zangger Committee and asked the
Conference to recognize their work, calling on other States Parties
to follow the NSG's guidelines on exports. Australia stressed that
it was "more willing to export because of the existence of a
regular framework" to ensure non-diversion.
Nuclear Energy
Statements on the non-military application of nuclear energy
reaffirmed the NPT's "inalienable right" to develop, research,
produce and use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The
developing world particularly emphasized the need for unrestricted
transfers of technology and better cooperation and technical
assistance and stressed that the IAEA's technical cooperation funds
must be made adequate. Ensuring the safety of nuclear material and
waste were stressed, particularly in transhipment.
The NAM reaffirmed "the inalienable right to engage in research,
production and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes... and
the responsibility of supplier states to promote the legitimate
energy needs for developing countries." Russia said it stood ready
for further expansion of cooperation in the peaceful uses of
nuclear energy and had "specific proposals concerning the joint
development of peaceful nuclear cycle technologies". Mauritius
deplored the "protracted reluctance" of the nuclear powers to
fulfil their obligations under Article IV, arguing that the
transfer of nuclear materials and technology is "the only tangible
benefit that the developing countries expect out of the NPT". South
Africa pointed out that although many interpret Article IV to be
about the promotion of nuclear technology, and that this was true,
the needs of many developing countries were basic: nuclear energy
was needed for health, agriculture and industry uses. Along with
many other NAM countries, South Africa was concerned about the
ability of the IAEA's technical co-operation fund's ability to meet
the needs of the developing countries, and urged States Parties to
pay their contributions. Thailand believed the fund should be
"treated as a political commitment".
The FYRO Macedonia thought that while "the Conference should
encourage all parties to the NPT to develop research, produce and
use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes" the dangers of the old
nuclear plants should be addressed because "another Chernobyl
should not occur" again. Japan talked openly about the criticality
accident that occurred in Tokai-mura last September and said
information sharing was necessary so that others too could learn
from such experiences. Amidst the many nuclear energy embracing
statements, some had reservations. Ireland reminded delegations of
the dangers of nuclear energy, saying that although the world had
been relatively fortunate until now, "the potential for catastrophe
is always there". Austria spelled out its position, saying that
nuclear energy did not contribute to sustainable development and
could therefore not play a key role in future energy policies.
In expressing concern about the maritime transport of nuclear
materials and radioactive waste, New Zealand was joined by
Australia, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Ireland, MERCOSUR
(Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay) plus Bolivia and Chile,
and the South Pacific Group (SOPAC). These countries raised the
issues of safety, security, liability and compensation in the case
of an accident, underlining the need for further discussion. New
Zealand said it was disappointed that the dialogue on compensation
and liability issues with Japan, France and Britain had recently
been "suspended" by them. It was seeking a regime of prior
notification and, ideally, also prior consent for the transboundary
movement of radioactive waste. France said that it intended to be
fully transparent and inform concerned countries of the conditions
of the shipments of nuclear material and waste, but stressed that
"the right of navigation and the freedom of the seas... cannot be
infringed upon". The South Pacific States want the shipments only
to be made if the cargo is of minimal risk, the ships of the
highest standards, and by states that agree to promote the safety
of the material, and in the case of an accident, are prepared to
provide compensation to countries harmed.
© 2001 The Acronym Institute.
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