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Algeria (Abdallah Baali, October 1): Competition between nuclear powers was a thing of the past. The current era was one that rejected military strength as a guarantee for national security and instead embraced collective security. ... [O]ptimism for a new peaceful era, however, had been thwarted by the slow nuclear disarmament process. The great impetus originally given to disarmament by bilateral and multilateral treaties had diminished. ... [N]uclear disarmament was the only choice for freeing mankind from the scourge of war...[and] such disarmament had to be accompanied by concrete steps. And, unilateral action could not be used as a substitute for multilateralism. ... [A]rticle VI of the NPT should be binding. Drawing up treaties on fissile materials, nuclear disarmament, or the prevention of a nuclear race in outer space was what was needed... Binding, legal instruments and safeguards were a necessity. The principle of irreversibility was essential for the control and reduction of nuclear weapons. ... [T]raditional nuclear doctrine was completely "obsolete and anachronistic"...[and] it was important to promote an international order that was not based on the possession of arms. ... [Algeria] welcomed Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT...[and] lauded the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones as great maintainers of international peace and security. [While Algeria] was pleased by Central Asia's efforts to become a zone free of nuclear weapons...something similar [was needed] in the Middle East. ... [Algeria] criticized Israel for not having eliminated its weapons of mass destruction and for not placing its arsenals under safeguards regulations...[and] called the disarmament regime discriminatory in that regard. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3225.)
Argentina (Luis E. Cappagli, October 2): Our country celebrates with satisfaction the announcement by the government of Cuba regarding the ratification of the Treaty [of Tlatelolco]...and the decision to adhere to the [NPT]... In this way, a Latin American conscience closely identified with the idea of non-proliferation is consolidated. ... For a long time, the MTCR - of which Argentina forms a part - used to be the only control instrument...[to deal with] missile proliferation. But now it is necessary to complete this approach through global and multinational actions that are non-discriminatory and comprehensive. For these reasons Argentina supports the universalisation of the...International Code of Conduct against the proliferation of ballistic missiles...
Armenia (Movses Abelian, October 10): Armenia welcomes the successful accomplishment of negotiations on the treaty on the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia and highly commends the efforts made by the governments of the Central Asian states towards that end. ... Armenia strongly supports the establishment of such zones once a consensus is reached among concerned states. We strongly believe that such consensus must be reached prior to seeking international consideration.
Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN (Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar (Burma), the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam), U Mya Than of Myanmar, October 9): The Millennium Declaration adopted by the [UN] Millennium Summit is of utmost importance, reflecting the...resolve [of the international community] to strive for the eliminating of weapons of mass destruction, in particular nuclear weapons, and to keep all options option for achieving this aim, including the possibility of convening an international conference to identify ways of eliminating nuclear dangers. ... The ASEAN countries recognise that, in view of recent political developments, there now exist conditions for the establishment of a world free of nuclear weapons. The ASEAN countries also reaffirm the unanimous conclusion of the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on 8 July 1996 that there exists an obligation to pursue in good faith and bring to [a] conclusion negotiations leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects under strict and effective international control. In this regard, we...intend to continue co-sponsoring the resolution, tabled every year by Malaysia, supporting this important ruling... For a number of years, the ASEAN countries have cosponsored the yearly resolutions, initiated by Myanmar, urging the nuclear-weapon states to stop immediately the qualitative improvement, development, production and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems. ... This year, Malaysia and Myanmar...will re-table these resolutions. ... At the same time, I should like to inform the delegations that the ASEAN countries...successfully introduced a working paper on Nuclear Disarmament at the 2001 session of the Disarmament Commission and our proposals, underscoring the elements of the above-mentioned resolutions, were included in the Chairman's paper on the Working Group on Nuclear Disarmament. ... [W]e welcome the convening of the Conference on Facilitating the Entry into Force of the CTBT in New York in 2001. We are encouraged that three nuclear-weapon states have signed this important treaty to date. We also urge all states, particularly the remaining nuclear-weapon states, to ratify the CTBT treaty as soon as possible. ... We...call again for the full and effective implementation of the steps set out in the [NPT 2000] Final Document. In this connection, we reaffirm our conviction that there exists an urgent need for the nuclear-weapon states to take concrete measures to fulfil their obligations under the NPT, particularly Article VI on nuclear disarmament and Article IV to provide technical assistance in the application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes to non-nuclear-weapon states. ... The ASEAN countries note the recent dialogues among the major powers and the concerned states the [US] National Missile Defence (NMD) [programme] and express our hope that such dialogues would...bring new, constructive approaches... We share the view that there is an urgent need for a comprehensive approach towards missiles... We note that a Panel of Governmental Experts was established [on this theme two years ago]... W continue to believe that the concerns related to missile proliferation are best addressed through multilaterally negotiated, universal, comprehensive and non-discriminatory agreements. We note with concern the recent development pertaining to the START process and the ABM Treaty. We also note the signing of the...Moscow Treaty...as a step towards reducing...strategic nuclear weapons. ... The South East Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (SEANWFZ)...entered into force on 27 March 1997. In welcoming the announcement by China at the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference in July 1999 of its readiness to accede to the Protocol, we wish to reiterate our call to [the] NWS to accede...as soon as possible. ... In this connection, we welcome the first direct consultation between ASEAN and NWS in Hanoi on 19 May 2001... We also welcome the SEANWFZ and IAEA Regional Workshop on [a] Strategic Plan for radiation Safety, held in Bangkok on 11 August 2001. We also welcome the recent agreement at the expert level...on the text of the treaty to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia. ... We also reiterate our support for the consolidation of the nuclear-free status of Mongolia and for [the] P_5's Joint Statement providing security assurances to [Mongolia]... We believe that establishment of an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament [at the CD] is an urgent priority. We therefore call for the immediate commencement of negotiations...on a...treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or nuclear explosive devices...
Australia (Michael Smith, October 7): Australia was particularly gratified by the recent announcement by Cuba that it would accede to the NPT, marking an important step toward universalisation. We take this opportunity to urge the three states which remain outside the treaty to reconsider their position and to take steps toward NPT accession. Australia welcomed the outcome s of the First Preparatory Committee meeting of the 2005 NPT Review Conference which took place in April this year. While we see many challenges ahead in the 2005 review cycle, we take heart from positive developments. For example, US-Russian agreement on the Moscow Treaty is a tangible step towards realisation of NPT disarmament objectives. ... I draw your attention to the Joint Declaration Australia, Japan and the Netherlands launched in New York last month in support of the CTBT. ... We encourage other UN members to associate themselves with the declaration before it is submitted to the Secretary-General. ... The universal implementation of the IAEA's strengthened safeguards system is another clear nuclear non-proliferation priority... Achieving this objective would contribute significantly to a climate favourable to further cuts in nuclear arms. Australia is helping a number of regional countries with ratification and implementation of the Additional Protocols. ... It is disappointing that, despite repeated endorsement of proposals to negotiate a FMCT, after several years we are still no closer to the start of formal negotiations. We are encouraged that the Netherlands and other countries have undertaken informal discussions on FMCT issues. In the meantime, Australia and other cut-off treaty supporters call upon all relevant states to uphold moratoria on the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons purposes. ... We welcome the Netherlands' invitation to host a conference from 25-26 November to adopt the International Code of Conduct against ballistic missile proliferation. The Code represents an important practical step to address the problem of ballistic missile proliferation and build confidence at regional and global levels - and [it] does not preclude further initiatives in the future. We urge all states to sign on to the Code.
Bahrain (Sheikh Turki bin Rashid Al Khalifa, October 9): [T]he Kingdom of Bahrain welcomes Cuba's accession to the NPT. We consider this decision a step towards the establishment of a world free of weapons of mass destruction. ... A short time ago, the world held its breath as the spectre of war in South Asia cast its shadow, for fear of the use of weapons of mass destruction in their confrontation. ... A major source of concern...is the fact that the steps taken for the elimination of WMD, particularly nuclear weapons, remain agonisingly slow. 30,000 such weapons remain in the world today. The past year has scarcely witnessed any international cooperation in this field. In addition, the negotiations on nuclear disarmament, the fissile material cut-off treaty and the prevention of an arms race in outer space have all been deadlocked in the CD. Moreover, the CTBT has not yet entered into force. ... Israel persists in its refusal to heed all the resolutions and calls for rendering the Middle East into a zone free of [WMD]... The amount of weapons of mass destruction possessed by Israel far exceeds its so-called defensive needs.
Bangladesh (Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury, October 2): Signing of the Moscow Treaty of the USA and the Russian Federation...was perhaps the single most important positive event in disarmament during the past one year. Very few believe that this would succeed in counteracting the damage done by the demise of the ABM Treaty. The general feeling is that the new treaty could prove more useful if the concepts of transparency, verifiability and irreversibility were built into it with greater clarity. ... An event of great positive significance is the recent declaration by Cuba of its intention to join the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon state. We welcome this decision. We call on the remaining three states not yet parties to the NPT to follow Cuba's example...
Belarus (Aleg Ivanov, October 10): Belarus welcomes the outcome of the first session of the Preparatory Committee for the 2005 NPT Review Conference. Belarus also welcomes Cuba's decision to join both the NPT and the Treaty of Tlatelolco. ... Belarus attaches special significance to the earliest entry into force of the CTBT and to ensuring its universality... Belarus welcomes the signing of the Moscow Treaty... Another most important issue is the prohibition of the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes. The Conference on Disarmament should, at the earliest [opportunity], start deliberations on this problem. Belarus believes that nuclear disarmament should be complemented by practical steps...including...consolidating existing, and setting up new, nuclear-weapon-free zones.
Brazil (Celina Assumpcao, October 9): [T]he establishment of an ad hoc committee on nuclear disarmament [at the CD] is imperative. And we must intensify our efforts on a [fissile materials] treaty...taking into consideration both nuclear disarmament and nuclear non-proliferation objectives. ... Brazil recalls the unequivocal commitment made by the nuclear-weapon states in the 2000 NPT Review Conference to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals. Brazil deplores any attempts at re-rationalising nuclear doctrines that may include the possibility of using, testing or finding new roles for nuclear weapons. Reductions in the number of deployed strategic warheads as envisaged in the Moscow Treaty represent a positive step in the process of nuclear de-escalation between the Russian Federation and the United States of America. Nevertheless, those reductions cannot be a substitute for irreversible cuts in, and the total elimination of, nuclear weapons. In regard to the CTBT, countries which are yet to sign and ratify it, particularly those whose ratification is necessary for its entry into force, must clearly indicate their readiness to join the treaty. This political sign is even more important as the actual prospect for the entry into force of the CTBT is the only parameter to guide the setting up of the treaty's International Monitoring system. In our view, the IMS should not be accelerated on the basis of purely technical considerations. ... We welcome with particular satisfaction the announcement by Cuba of its decisions to accede to the NPT and to ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty. These decisions contribute to the universalisation of the NPT and have the important effect of now bringing all Latin American and Caribbean countries into the Tlatelolco Treaty, which established the first nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty in an inhabited area... The issue of missiles...is a complex matter, with implications beyond security issues. The UN Panel of Experts, chaired by Ambassador Antonio Guerreiro, adopted a report which is to be a reference for future international negotiations. We expect it will be well received and endorsed by all member states. While further refining and strengthening mechanisms to address the security concerns derived from the question of missiles, the international community should bear in mind the legitimate aspirations of all states to reap the benefits of peaceful uses of space technologies.
Burkina Faso (Michel Kafando, October 4): [A] unilateral approach to security had led to an increased striking force of nuclear weapons. The "club" that possessed nuclear weapons had seemed to "grow" them. The hope that had arisen from the ABM Treaty had vanished since the withdrawal of one of the parties. The signing of the Moscow Treaty on 24 May, however, was heartening, but unfortunately the START process and the entry into force of the CTBT were "stuck". (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3228.)
Colombia (Alfonso Valdivieso, October 10): Colombia deplores the few results of this year's PrepCom of the 2005 NPT Review Conference and strengthens the urgency of the full implementation of the Thirteen Measures for Nuclear Disarmament included in the final document of the 2000 NPT Review Conference. On this aspect of the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems, Colombia reiterates its belief that their total elimination is the best guarantee of international peace and security. We reject deterrence and strategic alliances doctrines, as well as the doctrine that proposes new uses for nuclear weapons, since they are based on force or the threat of use of force. ... In this difficult context, Colombia welcomes three positive developments of the last year: first, the Moscow Treaty and the Joint Declaration on a New Strategic Relationship between the United States and the Russian Federation; second, the decision of Cuba to adhere to the NPT and to ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty which complements the world's first inhabited nuclear free zone; and third, the agreement on the establishment of a nuclear-free-zone in Central Asia.
Cameroon (Martin Chungong Ayafor, October 10): As a party to the NPT, Cameroon fully supported its ultimate aim, which was the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. ... [Cameroon] urged the nuclear Powers to implement the 13 agreed steps on nuclear disarmament. Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT was, indisputably, a major contribution. ... [Cameroon] encouraged the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones, where possible. Meanwhile, nuclear-weapon States should commit themselves not to use, or threaten to use, nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States. ... Although the CTBT had recorded eight new signatures and ratifications, it was nevertheless deplorable that it had not yet entered into force. He would join in all efforts aimed at encouraging its successful operation, as Cameroon would house a radionucleide station within the framework of the Treaty's verification mechanism. Unilateral moratoriums on nuclear testing should continue.
Canada (Christopher Westdal, September 30): [W]e were happy to welcome Cuba's decision to adhere to the NPT and to the Treaty of Tlatelolco. That welcome act reinforces rules-based multilateralism to contend with threats old and new to international security. Canada calls on India, Israel and Pakistan, still outside the treaty, to join. A related high priority is enhanced accountability... At the PrepCom meeting this spring, we emphasized the reporting requirement in the 13-stewp Action Plan agreed at the 2000 Review Conference. We are consulting with interested states parties and will address this subject in further preparations for the 2005 Review. At the heart of the NPT, non-proliferation and disarmament are bound one to the other. Canada thus welcomed the Treaty of Moscow, in which the United States and the Russian Federation, launching a new security partnership and high-level dialogue through the Consultative Group on Strategic Security, agreed to reduce their nuclear arsenals. Codification, verifiability, transparency and irreversibility set the highest standards by which the international community marks progress in this field. We are committed as well to a comprehensive test ban treaty... Though several key states have yet to sign or ratify the CTBT, encouraging progress has been achieved. Ninety-four states are on board and an impressive international monitoring system has been established... We urge all states to ensure its continued funding and to support the Provisional Technical Secretariat's vital work - and, of course, we urge all states to sign and ratify the Treaty itself. Meanwhile, it is crucial that the moratorium on tests be sustained. ... [T]he events of the last year surely reinforce the case for a fissile material cut-off treaty. Canada will again this year seek the Committee's consensus support for the negotiation of an FMCT in the Conference on Disarmament. Those events also underscore the vital contribution of the International Atomic Energy Agency. We applaud its determined campaign to strengthen safeguards and acknowledge the need for the Agency to have adequate resources to fulfil its mandate in this area. As well, we urge all states who have yet to do so to sign and implement comprehensive safeguards agreements and the IAEA's Additional Protocol. I note further that...we want a stronger Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material. ... Finally, I draw attention to Canada's enduring commitment to the prevention of an arms race in outer space. The risk inherent in any notion of war in space of a "tragedy of the commons" is utterly compelling. It would forever deprive humanity of the immense economic, social and security benefits of peaceful use. We will support the peaceful uses of space here and we will keep pressing to deal with its non-weaponization at the CD.
Caribbean Community (CARICOM - Stafford Neil of Jamaica, October 7): In the priority area of nuclear disarmament, renewed efforts should be made at the political level to bring into force the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. ... Jamaica will be doing its part by the hosting of a regional seminar for Caribbean and Latin American states in December this year to help promote universal adherence to the CTBT. These initiatives are important... But more needs to be done by the nuclear powers who have clear responsibilities and obligations to fulfil under the NPT and in the implementation of the commitments agreed at the 2000 Review Conference. ... I take the opportunity to welcome the decision by the government of Cuba to accede to the NPT and to ratify the Treaty of Tlatelolco. It is an important step which will promote regional solidarity in disarmament and is an act of faith in the international security system.
Chile (Cristian Maquieira, October 10): [Chile] had done its part by signing the Additional Protocol to the Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement of the IAEA and by signing and ratifying the CTBT. ... Because of Cuba's decision to ratify the Treaty of Tlatelolco, Latin America and the Caribbean had now fully established the world's first inhabited nuclear-weapon-free zone. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3231.)
China (Hu Xiaodi, October 1): In March 2002, China completed the legal procedures for the entry into force of the Additional Protocol of the Safeguards Agreement between China and [the] IAEA, the first among the five nuclear-weapon states to do so. We encourage those states that have not yet done so to take the same step at an early date... China welcomes the decision of Cuba to prepare for accession to the NPT and the ratification of the [Tlatelolco] Treaty... China supports full implementation of the thirteen disarmament steps as contained in the Final Document of the 2000 NPT Review Conference... China welcomes the new treaty between the United States and the Russian Federation on the reduction of strategic offensive forces. China hopes that the US and Russia, as countries with the largest nuclear arsenals and bearing special and primary responsibilities for nuclear disarmament, will continue to drastically reduce and destroy their nuclear weapons in a verifiable and irreversible way. ... It is crucial for all nuclear-weapon states to maintain the nuclear testing moratorium before the [Comprehensive Test Ban] Treaty enters into force. China has actively participated in the work of the CTBTO PrepCom and is carrying out domestic preparations for the implementation of the treaty. China is ready to work with the international community to facilitate the early entry-into-force of the treaty. ... China supports the early negotiation and conclusion of a...FMCT. We hope that the CD could reach a comprehensive and balanced programme of work as soon as possible, so as to commence the FMCT negotiations. China has shown considerable flexibility to that end. ... In the field of strategic stability, reliance on nuclear weapons should be diminished. To develop missile defence systems designed to strengthen unilateral deterrence, lower the threshold for nuclear weapons use, and increase targets for nuclear attacks, runs counter to the trend of the times. ... Peaceful uses of outer space offer a bright prospect for the progress of human civilisation. However, the shadow of weaponisation of outer space is looming large. We must set to work urgently to ensure peaceful uses of outer space and to prevent it from becoming a new battlefield. ... It is encouraging to note that this issue is drawing increasing attention from the international community as demonstrated by the UN General Assembly resolutions adopted for many consecutive years and NGO seminars devoted to this issue. ... China, together with Russia and some other countries, submitted to the CD a working paper entitled 'Possible Elements of a Future International Legal Agreement on the Prevention of the Deployment of Weapons in Outer Space, and the Threat or Use of Force Against Outer Space Objects' (CD/1679) in June this year. This working paper is also circulated as an official document of the current session of [the] UNGA (A/57/418). We would lie to register our gratitude to the countries concerned for their useful comments and suggestions, and will continue to conduct serious and earnest discussions on this issue with all parties...
Croatia (Vice Skracic, October 3): On nuclear issues, as a non-nuclear NPT state party Croatia adds its support to the goals contained in the New Agenda initiative. ... Conversely, with regard to the question of the establishment of new nuclear-weapon-free zones, Croatia cannot and will not support the establishment of such a zone in Central and eastern Europe without the support and consent of the countries from this region, which is far from the case at this point in time. We implore the sponsors of this initiative to undertake extensive consultations with the countries of this region before once gain tabling an initiative that does not enjoy their support.
Cuba (Bruno Rodriguez Parrilla, October 1): Due to its importance, I would like to begin by reiterating the announcement made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cuba in his statement at the debate of the General Assembly last 14 September. On that occasion, Mr. Felipe Perez Roque stated that our country has decided to become as state party to the...[NPT] as s signal of the clear political will of the Cuban government and its commitment to an effective disarmament process that ensures world peace. In doing so, we reaffirm our hope that all nuclear weapons will be totally eliminated under strict international verification. Cuba intends to actively join the preparatory process of the coming NPT Review Conference and work together with other state parties that share our concerns on the limitations of the Treaty and the lack of fulfillment of obligations by the nuclear states. In addition, and despite the fact that the only nuclear power in the Americas pursues a policy of hostility towards Cuba that does not rule out the use of force, Cuba will also ratify the...Treaty of Tlatelolco that had been signed by our country in 1995. The government of the Republic of Cuba has already initiated the necessary national domestic procedures to become a state party of both treaties in shortest possible timeframe. I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to thank the numerous delegations that have welcomed or intend to welcome Cuba's decision, in this debate or in any given moment. ... [T]he US Nuclear Posture Review was revealed early this year, through which the potential uses of nuclear weapons are enhanced, including among the possible targets countries that do not possess such weapons...
Dominican Republic (Juan Ramon Gonzalez, October 7): [The Dominican Republic] welcomed Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT and the Treaty of Tlatelolco and was pleased that eight new States had signed or ratified the CTBT. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3229.)
Ecuador (Fernando Yepez Lasso, October 2): In the Middle East...it was problematic that the only Middle Eastern State with nuclear capabilities had not acceded to the NPT. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3226.)
Egypt (Alaa Issa, October 7): Egypt welcomes the successful conclusion of negotiations between the US and Russian Federation and [the] signature of the Treaty of Moscow which launched a new security partnership and strategic dialogue between the two countries. It is our sincere hope that both states will eventually apply the principle of irreversibility to the nuclear weapons to be de-alerted or taken out of deployment over the next decade, thereby providing a true disarmament contribution towards the total elimination of nuclear arsenals... We welcome the endeavours of the five Central Asian states to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in their region... We also welcome Cuba's intent to adhere to the NPT... Yet while Cuba's intent highlights the critical importance of the NPT...we regret that the urgent goal of achieving universality of the Treaty remains elusive, both in South Asia and in the Middle East... [A]n unequivocal commitment was undertaken by all NPT states parties in 2000 to the accomplishment of nuclear disarmament and thirteen steps were agreed upon to lead us to this objective. The responsibility of the five nuclear-weapon states to pursue the elimination of their nuclear arsenals is both a moral and a legal one, and is within this logic that Egypt shall be presenting with her partners in the New Agenda Coalition a draft resolution that addresses, among other issues, the laxity that has crept into nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation efforts since May 2000. ... Egypt commends the work of the UN Group of Governmental Experts [on missiles]...and endorses the fruit of their labour. We are pleased that the Group succeeded in producing a report on this complex issue, and stress that despite any misgivings concerning the brevity of the recommendation section...it must be viewed as an initial effort by the United Nations to address a very complex and contentious issue and, as such, this initial and only attempt at multilateral engagement on the issue...must constitute the basis for further work by the Organisation. On the other hand, the International Code of Conduct against the Proliferation of Ballistic Missiles has undergone several phases of development since its inception and circulation by the states members of the MTCR two years ago. Egypt engaged in good faith in the efforts to consider the ICOC during two meetings held in Paris and Madrid in 2002, but somehow these efforts always fell short of the necessary requirements of a multilateral exercise. It is our view that the credibility and success of the ICOC, or of any non-negotiated instrument, will depend largely on whether the final version drafted by the authors manages to address the issues pertinent to the debate on missiles in a balanced and objective manner and thereby succeeds in attracting support from those states that possess ballistic missiles. ... I wish to draw attention to Egypt's continued commitment to the prevention of an arms race in outer space. It is our intention to present a resolution on this issue to the First Committee...
European Union (Danish Ambassador Erling Harild Nielsen, September 30): The Union welcomes the announcement of the signature by the United States and the Federation of Russia of a new treaty on the reduction of their strategic nuclear arsenals. In this context, the principles of irreversibility and transparency remain important. This treaty is a step forward and a positive contribution to the efforts of the international community in the field of disarmament and non-proliferation. The EU hopes that it will be followed by other initiatives to strengthen international security and stability. The European Union continues to attach special importance to achieving universal adherence to the NPT. The EU therefore welcomes the recent announcement by Cuba that it intends to accede to the NPT as a non-nuclear-weapon state and calls upon those states not yet parties to the NPT to accede as non-nuclear weapon states. ... The Union wishes to reiterate that it spares no efforts in promoting the early entry into force of the [Comprehensive Test Ban] Treaty and universal accession to it. Ti ensure that the resolve of the international community does not weaken, it calls on those states that have not yet done so to sign and ratify the CTBT, without delay and without conditions, in particular those states whose ratification is required for the treaty to enter into force. The negotiation at the Conference on Disarmament of a...FMCT constitutes an essential stage in nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. The European Union regrets that a consensus has not yet been reached...in order to launch the negotiation with the mandate approved in 1995 and in 1998. ... We share the concerns of the IAEA that 48 states parties to the NPT have not yet entered into comprehensive safeguards agreements with the IAEA. ... The EU considers Additional Protocols to be an integral part of the IAEA safeguards system. ... All member states of the EU have committed themselves to enter their Additional Protocols into force simultaneously and we aim to do so as soon as possible. The EU wishes to recall its concern regarding the continued existence of unsafeguarded nuclear facilities and material in states not parties to the NPT or equivalent treaties. The EU appeals to all stares not party to the NPT to place all their nuclear activities under IAEA safeguards. The European Union believes that the creation of internationally recognised nuclear-weapon-free zones, based on arrangements freely concluded between the states of the region, strengthens regional and global peace and security. We welcome and support signature and ratification by the nuclear-weapon states of the relevant Protocols of nuclear-weapon-free zones and look forward to the entry into force of the African nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty at an early date. In the same context, we repeat our appeal to the countries of South Asia to make every effort to prevent an arms race in the region. We continue to urge India and Pakistan to cooperate in the efforts of the international community to strengthen the non-proliferation and disarmament regime. ... Both states have declared moratoria on nuclear testing and [a] willingness to participate in the negotiation of a FMCT. We call on them to take all necessary measures towards fulfilling their stated intention. While we note with interest the commitment made by...[North Korea] at Pyongyang on 17 September that it would comply with all related international agreements in the nuclear field, we remain seriously concerned by its continuing failure to implement fully its binding safeguards agreements with the IAEA. We deplore the lack of tangible progress made on important verification issues over the past year. The EU urges the DPRK to work with the IAEA to implement the specific verification steps proposed last year without further delay and in full compliance with its safeguards agreement. ... Finally, the European Union also notes with interest the DPRK's stated intention of continuing its moratorium on missiles and expresses its concern with regard to DPRK exports of missiles and missile technology. ... We continue to support efforts to establish an effectively verifiable Middle East zone free of weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. Furthermore, we call on all stares in the region that have not done so to conclude a comprehensive safeguards agreement with the IAEA, to negotiate such agreements and bring them into force as soon as possible. The European Union believes that the accession of all states in the region to the conventions banning chemical and biological weapons and to the NPT would make an essential and extremely significant contribution to peace and to regional and global security. ... The International Code of Conduct [ICOC] against the proliferation of ballistic missiles will be an important first step towards the integration of ballistic missiles in the multilateral non-proliferation and disarmament regime. The Code also confirms the commitment by Subscribing States to the United Nations Declaration on International Cooperation in the exploration and use of outer space for the benefit and interest of all states. The EU is prepared to work together with other Subscribing States to further develop the Code. ... The EU is ware that the Code is not the only missile initiative around. It was never meant to be. The EU would welcome increased UN involvement in the missile issue. We therefore welcome the conclusion of the UN Panel of Governmental experts that "it is essential to have continued international efforts to deal with the issue of missiles". It is, however, also important to achieve quick results of a truly substantive nature. We think that the ICOC is the most concrete and advanced initiative in this field. The European union urges all states to attend the ICOC launching conference in The Hague on 25-26 November 2002 and join the Code.
Gabon (Alfred Moungara-Moussotsi, October 7): [Gabon] supported the convening of an international conference to identify ways and means of eliminating nuclear dangers. Two years after the successful review of the NPT, and despite the Millennium Summit's vision on disarmament, the world was "so very far" from achieving the goal of general disarmament. The deadlock, indeed the paralysis, of multilateral diplomacy had raised serious doubts about the prospects for a world free from weapons of mass destruction. ... [Gabon] urged faithful compliance with the critical disarmament instruments, in particular the NPT... Also, more countries should join the CTBT. Meanwhile, the nuclear-weapon States should adopt moratoriums on nuclear tests until that Treaty's effective operation. Gabon had a seismological monitoring station of the CTBT Organization on its territory and would continue to cooperate with its preparatory activities, aimed at a world regime governing compliance with that Treaty.
Ghana (Yaw O. Osei, October 10): Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT, and also sign the Tlatelolco Treaty, must...be welcomed as a breath of fresh air that inspires us all... We continue to uphold the conclusions of the 2000 NPT Review Conference...and urge the nuclear-weapon countries to demonstrate commitment to the 13 practical steps... We...reaffirm our support for the treaties of Pelindaba, Rarotonga and Tlatelolco, and welcome the endeavours of the five Central Asian states to conclude similar arrangements in their region.
Haiti (Betrand Fils-Aimé, October 4): [Haiti] praised the United States and the Russian Federation for signing the Moscow Treaty...[and] welcomed Cuba's accession to the NPT... [Haiti] also praised the idea of nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world and was pleased by the efforts of the Central Asian States to form their own such zone. Even though Haiti did not make use of fissile material...[it] still called for the ratification of treaties that governed its use. ... [Haiti] welcomed the signing of the CTBT by 94 States, thus far, and supported monitoring systems to detect nuclear tests. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3228.)
Holy See (Archbishop Renato R. Martino, October 1): [B]y signing...the Strategic offensive Reductions Treaty, states that were once adversaries agreed to reduce the number of strategic nuclear warheads from 2,200 to 1,700 by the year 2012. While the reductions could have gone further, and even though the Treaty would have been more reassuring if it provided for irreversible disarmament, transparency and effective verification, the agreement should be welcomed as a new sign of cooperation. The world awaits and in fact seriously needs more of the same. ... In the past year, two important conferences - involving the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the Non-Proliferation - were held... Here again, troubling signs of discord were evident. ... When the Conference on Facilitating the Entry-into-Force of the CTBT was held in 2001, 161 states had signed and 87 had ratified the Treaty. But now the momentum appears to have stalled. While all nations and peoples must be grateful that a moratorium on testing is still holding, the resistance to achieving the requisite number of ratifications threatens a collapse of the architecture of the non-proliferation regime that has been painstakingly built over many years. The...First Preparatory Conference for the 2005 NPT Review also revealed the stalled nature of nuclear disarmament. ... [H]opes raised in 2000 were dashed in 2002 when it became clear that the nuclear-weapon states are not adhering to the 13 Steps. The ABM Treaty, now abandoned, and the CTBT were both integral to the 13 Steps. How can that which was agreed to in 2000 be cast aside just two years later? ... [T]he concern of the Holy See increases as we see the non-proliferation regime, with the NPT as its cornerstone, in disarray. ... The Holy See has stated in this Committee many times and repeats now: there can be no moral acceptance of military doctrines that embody the permanence of nuclear weapons. They are incompatible with the peace we seek for the 21st century; they cannot be justified. These weapons are instruments of death and destruction.
India (Rakesh Sood, October 7): The issue of nuclear weapons predates our concern with 'terrorism' and goes beyond it. ... Despite being compelled to exercise our nuclear option, in order to preserve our strategic autonomy, India remains committed to the goal of global nuclear disarmament. My delegation is bringing before this Committee yet again, as it has done since 1982, the resolution calling for a convention to be negotiated for prohibiting the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons under any circumstances. The failure of the existing non-proliferation regime can be attributed to its very discriminatory nature, which has been extended in perpetuity, thus compounding the problem. Until unequivocal undertakings given for the total elimination of nuclear arsenals are honoured, it will be necessary for all nuclear-weapon states to take steps to reassure the world that they will reduce the risk of accidental or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons. There can be no justification for thousands of nuclear weapons to be maintained in a state of hair-trigger alert... The call in the UN Millennium Declaration to seek to eliminate the dangers posed by weapons of mass destruction, including by convening an international conference to identify ways of eliminating nuclear dangers, cannot be ignored any more. India's resolution entitled "Reducing Nuclear Danger" will be presented to this Committee for the fifth consecutive year with the expectation that it will receive wider support and convince those who are still sceptical of the need for early, concrete action. ... [L]et me reiterate the commitment of my country to participate constructively, and in good faith, in the FMCT negotiations... India is also committed to prevent the further militarisation and weaponisation of outer space... India participated actively in the work of the Panel of Governmental Experts established to prepare a report on the issue of missiles in all its aspects, which has completed its work this year. We have also followed with interest other initiatives aimed at dealing with the issue of missiles. India wishes to see the norms against the proliferation of missile strengthened through transparent, multilateral agreements on the basis of equal and undiminished security, that also ensure that civilian space-related applications are not adversely affected.
Indonesia (Nugroho Wisnumurti, October 4): My delegation welcomes the successful conclusion of negotiations between the Russian Federation and the US that led to the signing of the [Moscow] Treaty... It is our expectation that they will continue their efforts towards the elimination of nuclear arsenals. ... There is growing concern at the slow pace of progress in achieving the total elimination of nuclear arsenals. The situation has been further compounded by the updating of strategic doctrines which set out new rationales for the permanent retention of these weapons, a new generation of such weapons, and the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons. My delegation has also noted with regret the unilateral abrogation of the ABM Treaty, plans for national missile defence, and the prospects of an arms race in outer space. ... ... [T]he "unequivocal undertaking" of the 2000 NPT Review Conference needs to be demonstrated without delay through an accelerated process of negotiations and the full implementation of the 13 "practical steps" to advance systematically and progressively towards a nuclear-weapons-free world. ... As regards the Bangkok Treaty, states parties have meant it to be their contribution to the strengthening of security and to the maintenance of world peace and stability. As in the case of [the] Tlatelolco, Raratonga and Pelindaba treaties, the Bangkok Treaty could become effective only with the participation of all nuclear-weapon states. ASEAN has been negotiating with them the terms of the Protocol to become an integral part of the Treaty. Some of the nuclear-weapon states, however, continue to have some concerns that remain unresolved. Negotiations are continuing and hopefully the nuclear powers will ratify the Protocol in the foreseeable future... In the first effort by the United Nations to address the question of missiles in all its aspects, the report of a study by the Group of Governmental Experts has illuminated our understanding... The report has noted the lack of universally accepted norms or instruments to deal specifically with missile-related concerns. This anomaly has been addressed in part by the proposed Global Control System and the draft International Code of Conduct... However, the lacunae in the non-proliferation regimes have made us realise the need to take a collective look at this issue... Multilateral initiatives under United Nations auspices for a comprehensive and non-discriminatory legal regime will address not only proliferation concerns and questions relating to dual-use technology, but also adopt a phased approach to reduce and eliminate both offensive and defensive missiles. The international community now has an opportunity to seek a responsible outcome by building further on the report of the Group of Experts.
Iran (Dr. Javad Zarif, October 4): It is a source of grave concern that the emergence of new doctrines, based on pre-emption and enlarging the scope for the use of nuclear weapons, as defined in the Nuclear Posture Review, undermine the very foundations of the non-proliferation regime with grave consequences for the regional as well as international security environment. On the positive side, I congratulate the government of Cuba for its decision to accede to the NPT. We sincerely hope that this initiative will serve as a further step towards universality of the treaty. I would also like to welcome the realisation of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia. ... [T]he impediments towards the establishment of a zone free from all weapons of mass destruction in the Middle east have aggravated tension in the region. ... It is indeed ironic that a regime which has posed the gravest danger to regional and international peace and security for decades...has received not only acquiescence but in fact material support for its WMD programme from the very state which has made [the] levelling of baseless allegations about others a priority in its global policy. Even more ironic is the fact that Israel itself has been an active source of misinformation and propaganda about others. ... The United Nations resolutions on "Missiles" led to the establishment of a Panel of Governmental Experts to address the issue in all its aspects. We are happy that this panel succeeded in preparing a first-ever United Nations report on this complex issue. ... The Chairman of the Panel, Ambassador Guerrero of Brazil, has had an important role in achieving consensus within the panel... The report primarily conducted an overview of the evolution of missile production and...existing capabilities. In this framework, the report has enumerated missile characteristics within the technical and strategic purview which have made missiles a suitable choice for states in the military and civilian fields. The Secretary-General's report furthermore has outlined driving factors in the acquisition and development of missiles and, most importantly, addressed the issues relating to missiles in various aspects of their relation[ship] to WMD, conventional capabilities, technology transfer, military doctrines and confidence-building measures. This report, however general, provides a sound basis for further work and prepares the ground for more detailed and action-oriented recommendations.
Iraq (Mohammed Aldouri, October 9): While the world today was trying to eradicate all nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, the Middle East was living with instability because of the Zionist nuclear threat. That entity had rejected calls to accede to the NPT and subject its nuclear facilities to IAEA safeguards. Despite that, the Zionist entity continued to stockpile both conventional and unconventional weapons and refused to comply with United Nations and IAEA resolutions. It had also refused to heed the call for a nuclear-weapon-free zone.
Israel (Jeremy N. Issacharoff, October 10): Among the issues on the agenda of the First Committee in recent years have been two resolutions regarding the Middle East. One resolution deals with the notion of establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region. This resolution has commanded consensus for over twenty years and while we have certain reservations regarding its language, we attach great importance to the annual endorsement of this idea. ... The second resolution relates to the "risk" of nuclear proliferation in the Middle East. This is a contentious text that seeks to focus on only one aspect of the regional security environment and ignore the region's greatest proliferation dangers and its inherent instability. ... In many ways, the tabling of this [second] resolution constitutes an annual declaration by its sponsors that they prefer to continue to try and alienate Israel rather than engage it and pursue ideas that might foster and encourage cooperative ventures for the good of regional stability. ... We firmly believe that the political reality in our region mandates a practical step-by-step approach, based on a comprehensive peace between Israel and its neighbours, accompanied and followed by confidence-building measures and arrangements regarding conventional weapons, and culminating in the eventual establishment of a mutually verifiable zone free of ballistic missiles and of biological, chemical and nuclear weapons. This zone should emanate from, and encompass all, the states of the region by virtue of free and direct negotiations between them. ... While Israel has been supportive of international efforts to come to terms with the problem of ballistic missile proliferation, we note with genuine regret that these efforts have yet to have an impact on the Middle East. ... [T]he past activities of UNSCOM and the IAEA in Iraq demonstrate the real risk of WMD and ballistic missile proliferation. ... In Iran, for example, these capabilities are sought in conjunction with longer-range means of delivery and over the last year we have witnessed an escalation in the rhetoric that Iran has directed against Israel. In light of this, we have little choice but to regard this combination of mass destruction capabilities with extreme hostility to Israel as an emerging existential threat.
Japan (Dr. Kuniko Inoguchi, October 1): With regard to the situation in Northeast Asia, the Prime Minister of Japan, Mr. Junichiro Koizumi, recently visited the...DPRK where he met with Chairman Kim Jong-Il. The two leaders signed the Pyongyang Declaration, in which both sides confirmed that, for an overall resolution of the nuclear issues on the Korean peninsular, they would comply with all related international agreements. They also confirmed the necessity of resolving security problems, including nuclear and missile issues, by promoting dialogues among countries concerned. ... It is the fervent wish of Japan, as the only country to have experienced the devastation caused by nuclear bombs, to see the realisation of a safe, nuclear-weapon-free world. We believe that the most effective way to achieve this goal is through practical and concrete steps in nuclear disarmament. Japan highly values the signing of the Treaty on Strategic offensive Reductions between Russia and the United States, and expects that this Treaty should serve as an important step toward nuclear disarmament efforts. At the same time, we are gravely concerned about the obstacles to the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. ... Last month, building on the achievements of the Article XIV Conference in November 2001, Japan, together with Australia and the Netherlands, took the initiative of issuing a joint ministerial statement on the CTBT. The three countries are inviting other countries to be included in the list of issuers; currently eighteen foreign ministers from all geographic regions are on the list. The statement will be forwarded to the Secretary-General to be circulated as an official document on the UN. I would like to take this opportunity to call upon all states to join this meaningful statement. ... We are deeply disappointed at the six-year-long stalemate in the Conference on Disarmament and its failure again this year to commence negotiations on a...FMCT... A series of educational seminars which the Netherlands is currently conducting is benefiting all delegations in Geneva by preparing them for the negotiations once they begin. ... I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the decision of Cuba to accede to...[the NPT] as well as to the Treaty [of Tlatelolco]... With the First session of the Preparatory Committee in April a good start has been made to in the NPT Review Conference leading up to the 2005 Review Conference. I would like to stress the need for the implementation of the agreements contained in the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference. It is important to promote the universality of the additional protocol to the IAEA safeguards agreement... Japan organised a seminar for the Asian-Pacific region in June of last year and since then has been contributing to seminars held in Latin America, Central Asia and Africa. It will hold a conference for the same purpose in Tokyo this December. Having assisted the efforts made by the regional states and the United nations, Japan is particularly pleased that the negotiations on the text of the Central Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty have been concluded. Japan looks forward to the signing of the treaty in the near future. Again this year, my delegation will submit to the General Assembly a draft resolution entitled "A path to the total elimination of nuclear weapons". We look forward to its adoption with the support of an overwhelming majority of member states. ... States must make genuine efforts to restrain and reduce missile activities, and to prevent their proliferation. Japan supports the universalisation process of the International Code of Conduct. This process must establish a new norm that will truly contribute to preventing the proliferation of ballistic missiles.
Jordan (Ramez Goussous, September 30): Since 1974, the General Assembly has called for the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, and that resolution has since 1980 gained more momentum by being adopted by consensus. Furthermore, in its resolution on the Middle East, the 1995 PT Review and Extension Conference, as well as the 2000 NPT Review Conference, called upon all states in the region to [take steps in this direction]... Unfortunately...more than seven years [after]...the historic 1995...Conference and after more than two years of the 2000...Conference, no indication of such effort has so far been felt in the region. ... We join other member states who called on all countries who have not yet done so to sign and ratify the [Comprehensive Test Ban] Treaty, particularly those 44 states whose ratification is needed for the treaty to come into force. ... Jordan has, on many occasions, reiterated the importance of a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty as a significant step towards the achievement of both nuclear non-proliferation...and nuclear disarmament. ... [W]e regret that the Conference on Disarmament failed to agree on its programme of work for the last six years as well as its failure to start constructive negotiations on the FMCT...
Kazakhstan (Madina B. Jarbussynova, October 4): I would like to refer to the [opening] statement of...Under-Secretary-General...Dhanapala...[in which he listed] positive and negative sides in the field of disarmament, arms control and non-proliferation... I am pleased to underline that Kazakhstan is involved in the majority of these positive events. Among them is the expert group's agreement reached in Samarkand on the text of a treaty to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia and their commitment to sign the treaty this year. Kazakhstan, which experienced the negative power of nuclear weapons, is convinced that this is an important event not only for the Central Asian countries but also for the United Nations, which has been involved in this process since 1997. ... Kazakhstan supports the consolidation of the status of Mongolia as a nuclear-weapon-free state, welcomes the recent announcement by the government of Cuba on [accession to the NPT and]...ratification of the Treaty of Tlatelolco, and Brazil's initiative to...create a Southern Hemisphere free of nuclear weapons. ... My country ratified the CTBT this year. ... As one of the few states in the world that voluntarily relinquished their nuclear heritage, we believe that a prerequisite for an atmosphere of trust in modern international relations is an early entering of the CTBT into force. ... This year we also joined the Nuclear Suppliers Group, which gives us another opportunity to participate in [the] prevention of [the] establishment of new types of nuclear weapons and [to] strengthening the non-proliferation regime.
Kenya (Bob F. Jalang'o, October 9): My delegation...notes with appreciation the signing of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty... Although the reduction...agreed upon...is very significant, nevertheless my delegation notes that the [remaining] balance still represents an overkill capacity. The Moscow Treaty, therefore, does not render the world safer. The two principal nuclear power and the others in the league are called upon to move towards the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free world as called for in the May 2000 NPT Review Conference. At this juncture, my delegation would like to congratulate Cuba for the bold action it has taken to become a state party to the [Non-Proliferation] Treaty... We call upon the other three states who are not yet parties to the treaty to follow suit. ... [I]t is worrying that some nuclear states continue to uphold doctrines of national defence and security strategy based on nuclear weapons. Even more alarming is the possibility of continued nuclear tests to improve these weapons to fit into the configuration of different scenarios of war. Such improvements could only lead to greater insecurity overall as more rather than less states are targeted.
North Korea (Pak Gil Yon, October 4): Theories on nuclear supremacy and nuclear pre-emptive strike, attempts to build [a] missile defence system and to deploy nuclear weapons in outer space, and other actions in pursuit of a global strategy based on strength, render ineffective and invalid bilateral and multilateral disarmament agreements. ... [M]y delegation stands for the early conclusion of an international agreement which clearly indicates the obligations of both nuclear-weapon states and non-nuclear-weapon states on the prohibition of the development, test[ing], production, stockpiling, transfer, use and threat of use of nuclear weapons and the complete destruction of all nuclear weapons. Pending conclusion of such [an] agreement, precedence should be given to implementing assurances of no-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states [and] withdrawing all nuclear weapons deployed outside of...[the] territories [of the possessor-states]... My delegation...[believes that a] future international legal agreement on the prevention of deployment of weapons in outer space and the threat or use of force against outer space objects would serve the global [search for peace and security]... If the United States stops its hostile policy towards the DPRK and implement[s] in good faith the Agreed Framework for proper construction of the LWRs [Light-Water Reactors], the issue of [IAEA] safeguards will be resolved accordingly. The DPRK holds a position to readjust and develop DPRK-USA relations in the new century. ... If the US administration has the willingness to withdraw its hostile policy towards the DPRK, the DPRK will address through dialogue the issues of concern to the security of the United States.
South Korea (Sun Joun-yung, September 30): My delegation is convinced that the 13 practical steps stipulated in the Final Document of the 2000 NPT Review Conference should be translated into concrete actions as soon as possible. Above all, there is an urgent need to achieve universality of the NPT... In this regard, we welcome the decision of the Republic of Cuba to adhere to the NPT. We sincerely hope that this development will encourage the other three states to follow suit as soon as possible. ... The Republic of Korea would like to take this opportunity to urge [the] Democratic People's Republic of Korea to provide full cooperation, without further delay, with the IAEA for implementation of safeguards obligations under the NPT and the 1994 Geneva Agreed Framework. North Korea's full cooperation with the IAEA is not only a prerequisite for uninterrupted progress in, and the completion of, the Korean Peninsular Energy Development Corporation (KEDO) light-water reactor project, but it is also essential for the inter-Korean peace process. ... [W]e welcome the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty signed by the United States and the Russian Federation in may 2002. We hope that this agreement between the two largest nuclear powers will inspire other nuclear-weapon states to further reduce their nuclear arsenals and to adopt enhanced transparency and accountability measures. In doing so, it should be based on the principles of irreversibility, transparency, and verifiability.... The CTBT still remains the most important unfinished business on our agenda. It was not accidental that it was featured at the top of the 13 practical steps... The international community should take every opportunity to demonstrate its clear and strong support for the Treaty... In this regard, we welcome the welcome the Joint Ministerial Statement on the CTBT issued in New York this month. ... Given the overwhelming desire expressed by the members of the CD, the negotiation of a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear devices should not be held up disagreements over other issues. ... [M]y delegation welcomes the adoption of the Draft International Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation initiated by members of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). We look forward to the early launch and universalisation of the Code, which holds great significance as the first international norm against the proliferation of ballistic missiles.
Kuwait (Mesaid Al-Kulaib, October 2): [Kuwait] could not imagine any justification for nuclear-weapon States to hold on to their weapons. The citizens of the world, after all, wanted to live in peace. ... [Kuwait] welcomed the Moscow Treaty and applauded Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT. ... [Kuwait] called on Israel, the only country in the Middle East with nuclear weapons and the only one that had not acceded to the NPT, to accede to that Treaty and to respect the IAEA safeguards regulations. ... [Kuwait] also reiterated...support for a non-discriminatory treaty to regulate fissile material. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3226.)
Laos (Alounkeo Kittikhoun, October 9): [W]e welcome the signing of the US-Russia Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty, a move which Secretary-General Kofi Annan called "a positive step in the direction of nuclear disarmament..." The fact that some major power has updated its strategic defence doctrine spelling out new rationales for the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon states is of particular concern. ... [D]ue and urgent consideration must be given to the conclusion of a universal, unconditional and legally-binding instrument on security assurances to non-nuclear-weapon states. ... Like other member states, we are deeply concerned about a potential arms race in outer space. This is due to the termination of the...ABM Treaty. Moreover, the launching of a national missile defence system could further the development of advanced missile systems and increase the number of nuclear warheads. It is therefore...imperative for the Conference on Disarmament to commence substantive work on the prevention of an arms race in outer space. In this context, we appreciate the efforts pursued by some major nuclear-weapon states towards the conclusion of a new outer-space arms control agreement. ... [W]e join other member states in welcoming the decision of...Cuba to accede to the NPT and ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty. ... [Laos ratified the CTBT] in October 2000. ... [W]e deem it necessary for other member states who have not done so to follow suit, and call fore the full realisation of [the treaty's] objectives by all states signatories, particularly the nuclear-weapon states. ... For the [SEANWFZ]...to be effective, a Protocol annexed to it must be acceded [to] by [the] nuclear-weapon states.
Lebanon (Ibrahim Assaf, October 7): [Lebanon] praised the idea of nuclear-weapon-free zones. Unfortunately, however, in the Middle East, Israel had refused to support the idea of such a zone. Israel had declared that General Assembly resolution 56/21 had not adequately reflected the Israeli position, as if the Israeli position were more important than that of the General Assembly. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3229.)
Libya (Ahmed Own, October 7): [M]ore than three decades had passed since the entry into force of the NPT and six review conferences had been held, yet the results achieved thus far had been "alarming" and portended catastrophe for all States. The number of countries with nuclear weapons had increased, and the number of nuclear warheads they possessed could annihilate the world a thousand times over. All commitments and undertakings made under that Treaty, as well as the final documents of its review conferences, must be upheld. Multilateral agreement on security assurances to the non-nuclear-weapon states parties to the NPT must be concluded and a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East must be established. ... [Libya] recommended the following steps towards the reduction of strategic and non-strategic nuclear weapons: bilateral and unilateral initiatives; the promotion of confidence-building and transparency measures by nuclear-weapon States; immediate establishment in the Conference on Disarmament of an ad hoc committee to deal with nuclear disarmament; and the resumption, in the Conference, of negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty. The international community, in particular the five major Powers, must bring all pressure to bear on the Israeli entity to accede to the NPT and to place all its military and civilian facilities under the IAEA safeguards regime. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3229.)
Malawi (Isaac C. Lamba, October 10): [Malawi] regretted that the 13 measures on nuclear disarmament annexed to the NPT had not been fully implemented...[and] hoped that all States with nuclear weapons would strive towards the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3231.)
Malaysia (Hasmy Agam, September 30): My delegation views with concern the lack of real progress in nuclear disarmament over the past year. The situation is made more alarming by the changed international climate, characterised by the steady erosion of the multilateral process... Thousands of nuclear weapons continue to be stockpiled in the arsenals of the nuclear powers, while progress in negotiations on nuclear disarmament remains negligible. ... In April 2002, the First Preparatory Committee Meeting for the 2005...[NPT] Review Conference was held...against the backdrop of the formulation of a new Nuclear Posture Review by a nuclear-weapon state which expands the role of nuclear weapons beyond their essentially deterrent function, with grave implications for international peace and security. This Nuclear Posture Review is perceived by many as a clear rejection of the 13 steps agreed upon by the nuclear-weapon states at the 2000 NPT Review Conference... Malaysia is very much disappointed and dismayed at these developments and urges all nuclear-weapon states parties to the Treaty not to renege on their undertakings made two years ago... Malaysia...warmly welcomes the announce by Cuba to accede to the Treaty... This important decision...reflects the positive and constructive orientation of the government of Cuba on the nuclear disarmament issue. ... We earnestly hope that the Cuban decision...would strongly encourage the three remaining non-Treaty states to re-examine their position and to contribute towards the early realisation of the universality of the Treaty. Malaysia is encouraged by the continued positive response by countries to sign and ratify the...CTBT. We hope that this positive trend would solidify the norms against nuclear proliferation and further development of nuclear weapons. ... Last year, we witnessed a serious challenge to the validity and viability of multilateral disarmament diplomacy. The international community has yet to fully recover from the shock following the demise of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty... The Moscow Treaty...will not be able to replace the ABM Treaty because, while it was viewed as a step towards reducing the deployment of strategic nuclear weapons, it did not address the issue of irreversibility and verification of nuclear disarmament. My delegation is of the view that abrogation of the ABM Treaty will have grave consequences for future progress in arms control and non-proliferation efforts and, inevitably, the future of international security. ... Having worked tirelessly with its ASEAN partners for the establishment of the South-East Asia Nuclear-Weapons-Free Zone Treaty, Malaysia looks forward to continuing direct consultations between ASEAN and nuclear-weapon states in the first half of 2003 with a view to encouraging the nuclear-weapon states to accede to the SEANNWFZ Protocol. My delegation attaches great importance to the promotion of such zones and strongly supports their establishment in other parts of the world, particularly West Asia or the Middle east... We would also strongly encourage the establishment of such a zone in South Asia... The historic [1996] decision of the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legality of the threat and use of nuclear weapons...remains an important milestone in the global campaign for nuclear disarmament. We regret that the...[Advisory] Opinion...continues to be ignored by the nuclear-weapon states. Malaysia and other like-minded countries will continue to pursue follow-up actions to the Advisory Opinion of the Court at this and future sessions of the General Assembly.
Mexico (Gustavo Albin, September 30): [N]uclear disarmament was a priority of Mexico's foreign policy. Thus...[Mexico] expressed concern that nuclear-weapon States were not doing enough to eliminate their nuclear arsenals. As long as such States held on to their nuclear weapons, the integrity and sustainability of the international non-proliferation regime would be undermined. ... [Mexico] was worried about the failure of India, Pakistan and Israel to become State parties to the NPT and the CTBT. ... [Mexico] was pleased, however, with Mongolia's efforts to become a nuclear-weapon-free State and the Central Asian States' steps to becoming a nuclear-weapon-free zone...[and] also welcomed Cuba's accession to the NPT and ratification of the Treaty of Tlatelolco. ... [Mexico] supported the idea of the Conference on Disarmament taking up the issue of nuclear disarmament. With regard to missiles...[Mexico] thanked Brazil for leading the panel of governmental experts charged with preparing a report on the issue of missiles in all its aspects. The elaboration of legally binding international instruments on the issue should take place within a multilateral, universal and non-discriminatory framework. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3224.)
Mongolia (J. Enkhsaikhan, October 2): Mongolia attaches special importance to the reduction and destruction of destabilising tactical nuclear weapons. ... [M]y delegation welcomes the decision of...Cuba to accede to the NPT and ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty. ... A year ago, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mongolia...proposed that, pending the negotiation of the Fissile Materials Cut-Off Treaty, the nuclear-weapon states declare a moratorium on the production of weapons-grade fissile materials and promote greater transparency through disclosure of their present stocks. He also urged the United Nations to establish a Register for all stocks of weapons-grade fissile material. ... My delegation would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the five Central Asian states on reaching an agreement on the content of a [nuclear-weapon-free zone] treaty... [T]his new treaty could make a significant contribution to strengthening nuclear non-proliferation and turning the entire Central Asian region, which merely a decade ago housed thousands of nuclear weapons, into a zone of peace and predictability. This would foreclose the possibility of "nuclear...games" in the heart of Asia by states or non-state actors. Ten years ago, Mongolia declared its territory a nuclear-weapon-free zone. As seen from the report of the Secretary-General contained in document A/57/159, Mongolia has taken a number of concrete steps to institutionalise the status at the national and international level. ... The 2001 Sapporo meeting of independent experts of the five nuclear-weapon states, Mongolia and...DDA/UN has thoroughly examined the issue and the participants have come to agreed conclusions and recommendations. In line with those recommendations, Mongolia proposed to institutionalise the status by concluding a multilateral agreement, to which our two immediate neighbours, China and Russia, have in principle responded positively. Mongolia is interested in moving forward on this issue on the basis of a general agreement. ... Being a special case, perhaps it needs an individual approach to consolidating the status and addressing the external challenges. It is bearing this [in] mind that Mongolia, together with UNDP and some other UN bodies, is undertaking two studies on its economic and ecological vulnerabilities. ... At this session of the General Assembly, Mongolia will present a procedural resolution that would invite member states and the relevant UN bodies to continue their assistance in consolidating its nuclear-weapon-free status.
Morocco (Mohamed Bennouna, October 3): [Morocco] expressed satisfaction at the substantial work carried out so far in the realm of disarmament, especially in the sphere of nuclear weapons. ... [Morocco] welcomed the Moscow Treaty, for example, but believed that broader efforts in a multilateral framework would be more helpful. ... Morocco...urged all States that had not yet done so to adhere to the NPT...[and] welcomed Cuba's decision to accede to that treaty. Additionally...nuclear-weapon-free zones greatly contributed to peace and security. Morocco had signed the Treaty of Pelindaba and supported other nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world. ... [Morocco] was pleased by the possibility of the Central Asian States creating their own such zone...[and] wanted to see the Middle East made a nuclear-weapon-free zone... (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3227.)
Mozambique (Bernardo Zaqueu, October 1): [I]nternational efforts with respect to nuclear disarmament [were] "unimpressive". ... [I]t was unfortunate that negotiations on a treaty on fissile materials remained deadlocked. ... [Mozambique] was pleased, however, that Cuba had decided to accede to the NPT, and...welcomed the signing of the Moscow Treaty between the United States and the Russian Federation. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3225.)
Namibia (Gerhard Theron, October 9): It is...disappointing to note that the nuclear-weapon states are not adhering to the 13 steps towards nuclear disarmament as adopted at the 2000 NOT Review Conference. My delegation, however, welcomes the important decision by Cuba to become a state party to the NPT and to ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty. ... The refusal by key states to ratify the CTBT has the potential to erode the confidence in this important instrument of nuclear non-proliferation.
Nepal (Murari Raj Sharma, October 4): We welcome the US-Russia agreement to reduce the deployment of strategic nuclear weapons. At the same time, the scrapping of the ABM Treaty, which has long been a factor of stability, also disturbs us... Many states never harboured nuclear ambition and many others shunned that option out of conscience. We applaud Cuba for joining the category of such nations by acceding to the NPT and Tlatelolco Treaty. But some have sought these weapons overtly or covertly, undermining the objective of the NPT and the larger goal of complete nuclear disarmament. This tendency is unlikely to stop unless nuclear weapons are delegitimised and unless nuclear powers make concrete advances towards eradicating these horrendous arms. To cling to these deadly weapons...[while] asking others to forego the option of acquiring them would be a patent example of double standards... Governments, on their own and regionally, have been attempting to rid their countries and regions of nuclear weapons, which is very encouraging. In this context, my delegation welcomes the endeavour of Central Asian countries to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in their region. We also call on the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to comply with IAEA safeguards and on the South Asian rivals not to rattle their nuclear sabres. ... [G]uarantees against the threat or use of nuclear weapons can be a potent confidence-building measure, both as an interim step and as an incentive for the attainment of total nuclear disarmament.
New Zealand (Deborah Panckhurst, September 30): At the cornerstone of New Zealand's disarmament policy is a drive for a world free of nuclear weapons. We have continued to work with our New Agenda Coalition partners towards real and substantive action being taken on the 13 Steps agreed to at the 2000 [NPT] Review Conference... In this regard, we welcome the news of Cuba's intention to accede to the NPT and urge those few countries still outside the Treaty to follow Cuba's example and accede as non-nuclear-weapon states as soon as possible. As already outlined by the distinguished Ambassador of Ireland, the New Agenda Coalition this year will be proposing two resolutions. The first resolution, 'Towards a Nuclear-Weapon-Free World: the Need for a New Agenda' outlines the necessary steps to confront the steps that are posed by the proliferation of nuclear weapons. This resolution is not only an opportunity for states to demonstrate commitment to the elimination of nuclear weapons. It presents also an opportunity to demonstrate that the First Committee's work is relevant and useful. ... An important step in the [2000] Programme of Action...was the "further reduction of non-strategic nuclear weapons". The second resolution that has been tabled...on behalf of the New Agenda Coalition will, we hope, be the first move toward addressing this important issue. In some respects, short-range tactical nuclear weapons pose a greater threat than strategic weapons, as there is a real risk that tactical nuclear weapons could be launched by accident or in the confusion of war, with no time available for communication between opposing sides. There are worries, too, about the security of tactical nuclear weapons. ... [T]he first and crucial step of the Programme of Action... - the early entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty - is still not within sight. ... The failure so far to bring into force this fundamental step towards non-proliferation and disarmament threatens to undermine the credibility of disarmament negotiations. New Zealand declared itself and its waters a nuclear-weapon-free zone in 1987 with the passage of the New Zealand Nuclear-Free-Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act. The South Pacific is also a NWFZ and there are other NWFZs around the world. We support Brazil's initiative to join the NWFZs in the Southern Hemisphere to create a Southern Hemisphere free of nuclear weapons. This is in no way to impinge on the right all states enjoy under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, but would comprise a positive act of common purpose.
Nicaragua (Mario Castellón Duarte, October 10): [Nicaragua] expressed support for nuclear-weapon-free zones throughout the world...[and] welcomed Cuba's accession to the Treaty of Tlatelolco...[which meant that] the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean now formed the world's first inhabited nuclear-weapon-free zone. ... [Nicaragua] also welcomed the efforts of the Central Asian States to form their own such zone. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3231.)
Nigeria (E.E. Onubu, October 3): My delegation reaffirms its strong support for the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones... We remain committed to the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty (Treaty of Pelindaba). Similarly, we support efforts made by member states presented covered by the treaties of Tlatelolco, Rarotonga and Bangkok and call on countries outside these treaty bodies to join in the[se] noble efforts towards strengthening international peace and security. We welcome the recent announcement that the Central Asian states...have agreed to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia. In the same vein, we welcome the recent decision by Cuba to ratify the Treaty of Tlatelolco. There is a need to preserve outer space as the common heritage of mankind and for peaceful [use]... Despite the achievements of the existing arms control agreements in regulating the activities of states in outer space, they were insufficient in arresting the deployment of weapons in outer space and the prevention of threat or use of force against outer space objects. In this regard, my delegation supports the joint [Russia-China] proposal at the Conference on Disarmament for negotiation of such a legally binding instrument.
Norway (Leif A. Ulland, October 2): Regrettably, there is still slow progress in the implementation of some of the [NPT 2000 action plan] steps. A welcome development is the US-Russia agreement on a new treaty on further reductions in strategic nuclear warheads. ... While welcoming [these] reductions...Norway underlines the need for verifiable and irreversible reductions. At the NPT Preparatory Committee in April there was a widely held view, which was also expressed in the Chairman's Factual Summary, that non-strategic nuclear weapons must be further reduced in a verifiable and irreversible manner. We hope to see an early start on further substantial cuts in the arsenals pf tactical nuclear weapons. The unilateral declarations by the US and Russian Presidents in 1991-92 resulted in the elimination of a great number of tactical nuclear warheads. These declarations are still relevant and should be preserved and strengthened. We encourage the adoption of transparency measures such as reporting on the implementation of these two important declarations and reciprocal information exchange by the two countries involved. In this regard we would like to point to the transparency measures that NATO has proposed to Russia. It could also be useful to consider how the important US Cooperative Threat Reduction Programme can contribute to the safe storage and dismantlement of tactical nuclear warheads in Russia. ... Self-imposed moratoria on nuclear testing are a useful measure pending the entry into force of the CTBT. Such moratoria cannot, however, replace the legally binding commitments represented by the signing and ratification of the treaty. The full and speedy implementation of the international monitoring system - without waiting for the entry-into-force of the treaty - would be a significant confidence- and security-building measure. Financial and diplomatic support for the [CTBTO] Preparatory Commission...must continue unabated. ... We need to deal with the entire field of weapons-usable fissile material in a comprehensive manner. All nuclear-weapon states should conclude and implement arrangements to place fissile material that is designated as no longer required for military purposes under the IAEA verification regime. We advocate the principle of irreversible disposition in order to ensure that excess stockpiles of fissile material remain outside the military nuclear cycle. To that end IAEA monitoring is required. ... We see the work on an International Code of Conduct against the proliferation of ballistic missiles as a first step and as a basis for strengthening international efforts in this field. We encourage all countries to join this important initiative.
Pakistan (Shaukat Umar, October 10): The nuclearisation of the [South Asia] region...warrants the creation of a security structure founded on dialogue, peace, arms control and cooperation. Accordingly, Pakistan has proposed the establishment of a Strategic Restraint Regime in South Asia, encompassing the following principles: one, India and Pakistan should formalise their respective unilateral test moratoriums, perhaps through a bilateral treaty; two, [India and Pakistan should] not operationally weaponise nuclear-capable missile systems; three, [they should] not operationally deploy nuclear-capable ballistic missiles, and [they should] keep them on de-alert; four, [they should] formalise the[ir] previous understanding to provide prior and adequate notification of flight tests of missiles; five, [they should] observe a moratorium on the acquisition, deployment or development of anti-ballistic missile systems; six, [they should] implement further confidence-building and transparency measures to reduce the risk of the use of nuclear weapons by miscalculation or accident; seven, [they should] open discussions on the nuclear security doctrines of the two countries with a view to forestalling an all-out nuclear arms race; eight, [they should conclude] an agreement on non-use of force, including the non-use of nuclear weapons; nine, [they should maintain a] conventional arms balance and [establish] a political mechanism for the resolution of disputes, particularly Kashmir. ... At the global level...the following steps are of fundamental importance: one, the existing huge nuclear inventories [should be] attenuated substantially (the Moscow Treaty constitutes a salutary first step in this direction... However, the long-term threat remains undiminished. Real threat reduction requires destruction of nuclear weapons...); two, the NPT nuclear-weapon states are "unequivocally" committed to the elimination of nuclear weapons - this commitment needs to be operationalised...[and] negotiations should commence on nuclear disarmament...at the Conference on Disarmament; three, adequate measures in the form of a multilaterally negotiated legal instrument will be necessary to prevent an arms race in outer space (missile defences create the Sisipyhean dilemma of plunging the world into yet another costly and destabilising arms race...); four, multilateral negotiations must convene to conclude a legally-binding international instrument on negative security assurances...; five, regional approaches to international security and disarmament must be strengthened, especially in tension-ridden regions such as the Middle East and South Asia...(nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation require effective redressal of imbalances at the regional level. In accordance with its traditional resolution on Regional Disarmament, Pakistan has proposed this item for inclusion in the Agenda on the Conference on Disarmament. Only one delegation demurred). Other steps should include commitment to the CTBT and, pending its entry into force, continued observance of unilateral moratoriums by the nuclear-weapon states; conclusion of a universal, non-discriminatory and verifiable fissile materials treaty...; removal of artificial hindrances to the promotion of peaceful applications of nuclear technology. ... Pakistan, being...a state with nuclear capability, is fully conscious of its responsibilities. A National Command Authority, under the Chairmanship of the Head of Government and including three Federal Ministers and Chiefs of Armed Services, has been set up to provide policy direction, supervise the deployment and employment of assets and approve measures to ensure custodial safety and complete institutional control. We will continue to strengthen our controls as required. ... We appreciate the work done by the Panel of Governmental Experts on Missiles, set up by the Secretary-General last year. For understandable reasons, their Report remained inconclusive. We favour the elaboration of a global treaty on missiles as part of a comprehensive disarmament programme. According, we have proposed the item on "Missiles in All Its Aspects" for inclusion in the Agenda of the Conference on Disarmament. A global treaty will take time. We are ready to consider global interim measures... These could range from de-alerting nuclear weapons and missile systems to evolving multilaterally negotiated controls over the transfer of sensitive technologies and supplemented by alternative measures for maintaining military balance, especially in volatile regions, and enhancing cooperation in technologies for peaceful purposes.
Philippines (Enrique A. Manalo, October 10): [M]y delegation notes recent promising developments such as: the signing by the United States and Russia on the Treaty on Strategic Offensive Arms Reductions...; Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT as well as the [Tlatelolco] Treaty...; the continued increase in signatures and ratifications of the CTBT; and the agreement of Central Asian states to conclude a treaty to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone...(in our own region, we remain hopeful that fruitful negotiations with nuclear powers on the South East Asian Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone could lead to its full implementation in the near future). On the other hand, we...share in the expressions of disappointment over: the failure of the CD to agree on its programme of work for the last six years, stalling negotiations on important disarmament issues such as the fissile material cut-off treaty; ...the failure of the CTBT to enter into force...; the difficulty of moving on with nuclear disarmament under the NPT process as the collective and unequivocal commitment by the nuclear-weapon states for a transparent, accountable and verifiable elimination of nuclear arsenals, which was regarded with much promise two years ago after the 2000 NPT Review Conference, has largely been unrealised...
Qatar (Jamal Nassir Al-Bader, October 1): [Qatar] welcomed Cuba's accession to the NPT. In the context of weapons of mass destruction...[Qatar] drew attention to the dangers in the Middle East and the imbalance of power there, as a result of Israel's undeclared nuclear weapons. All countries in the region had acceded to the NPT and undertook the obligations contained therein, but Israel had absolutely rejected accession and clung to its nuclear arsenal, flouting all international treaties and agreements, as well as appeals made by the international community to: join the international coalition; sign the relevant treaties; place its nuclear installations under the IAEA safeguards system; and remove its stockpiles of nuclear weapons. Regrettably, some States friendly to Israel continued to tolerate its behaviour. Meanwhile, the international community was applying double standards, as pressure mounted on a certain country for allegedly acquiring mass destruction weapons, and the situation in Israel was ignored. ... [Qatar] called upon the international community and those countries that had influence with Israel to pressure it to eliminate weapons of mass destruction and promote efforts towards peace.
Rio Group (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and Venezuela), statement by Bruno Stagno of Costa Rica, October 1: We welcome Cuba's decision to accede to [the NPT]...and we urge the three states that are still operating nuclear installations without safeguards to join the treaty. ... [W]e must convey our preoccupation for the fact that the Thirteen Measures on Nuclear Disarmament annexed to the Final Document of the 2000 NPT Conference have not been fully implemented. ... The Rio Group condemns the development of new nuclear weapons. We endorse the outcome of the Conference to Facilitate the Entrance in Effect of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and we invite all states to sign this crucial instrument. As members of the first nuclear-free zone, the member states of the Rio Group welcome and commend Cuba's decision to ratify the Tlatelolco treaty. This act will bring into force the first denuclearised regime in an inhabited zone. Furthermore, we welcome the consolidation of Mongolia as a nuclear-free zone. We urge the five Central Asian states to finalise their negotiations on a treaty that would establish a nuclear-free zone in their region. In the same vein, the state members of the Rio Group support the creation of a nuclear-free zone in the Southern Hemisphere and its neighbouring areas.
Russia (Andrey Granovsky, October 9): Russia is committed to strict implementation of our obligations in the field of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, and we second our words with deeds. The period of strategic offensive weapons reduction provided for in START I was concluded last December. Under this Treaty, each Party was to reduce the number of its strategic delivery means and warheads attributed to them to 1,600 and 6,000 respectively within seven years after the entry into force of this Treaty. Russia has fully implemented its obligations under these provisions before the end of that period and by...December 5, 2001, had reduced the number of its deployed strategic delivery means (the ICBMs, SLBMs and heavy bombers) and warheads attributed to them to 1,136 and 5,518 respectively. We destroyed the last nuclear warhead removed from the territory of Ukraine to Russia in October 2001. Russia consistently and successfully carries out the measures that were announced within its 1991-1992 unilateral disarmament initiatives with regard to non-strategic nuclear weapons. Through our strenuous and continuous efforts, all the weapons of the former Soviet Union have been withdrawn to the territory of Russia and brought under steady control. We would like to draw your attention once again to the Russian proposal to withdraw all the nuclear weapons to the territory of the nuclear states, which they belong to, so we will be more confident of its safety and security. The Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty concluded by Russia and the United States at the Moscow Summit last May is another major step towards nuclear disarmament. This Treaty legally binds each Party to reduce, on the basis of reciprocity, its aggregate number of strategic nuclear warheads to the agreed level of 1,700-2,200 by December 31, 2012, i.e. provides for [a] threefold reduction if compared with the level established under START I. And according to its terms, START I will remain in force till December 5, 2009, and may be extended by mutual consent of the Parties - thus, the strategic offensive weapons of Russia and the United States will be subject to double complementary limitations of both Treaties at least till the end of this period. The new Treaty provides for its further improvement, strengthening and updating. To this end, a special Bilateral Commission on Implementation is to be created. Russia is going to ratify the new Treaty by the end of the year. Like any other agreements, the Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty has been made possible by the willingness of Russia and the United States to make mutual concessions and build new strategic relations in facing new threats, which they formalized in the Joint Declaration adopted at the same Summit, as well as to reaffirm close interrelation between strategic offensive and defensive weapons. According to the decisions taken at the Moscow Summit held in May, working out of a system of predictability and confidence-building measures in the anti-missile defense sphere is underway. That will help redress the situation after the US withdrawal from the ABM Treaty. To discuss strategic security issues on a regular basis, a special mechanism was established - the Consultative Group composed of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Ministers of Russia and the United States, who held their first meeting in Washington on September 20. A similar mechanism is also to be created with France. Russia attaches great importance to political and diplomatic efforts to resolve the problem of missile non-proliferation. We positively evaluate the work done by the group of governmental experts within the United Nations on the missile non-proliferation issues. We believe that such work should be continued. When preparing the expert report, Russia introduced a draft Memorandum of Intent in the missile non-proliferation area, which was to define further steps in that area. The document reflects the Russia's concept of the Global Control System for Non-Proliferation of Missiles and Missile Technologies, which assures wide and non-discriminatory participation of all concerned states in developing such measures under the UN auspices. We think it is of crucial importance to take into account opinions and proposals of all the concerned states when drafting the International Code of Conduct on the Prevention of Ballistic Missile Proliferation which is under discussion now. An important aspect of the missile non-proliferation issue is to guarantee the legal right of each and every state to peaceful development of outer space. The issue of preventing the militarization of outer space is acquiring more and more topicality. At the 56th UNGA session Russia put forward a proposal on a possible basis for the comprehensive arrangement on non-deployment of weapons in space. Before such an arrangement is reached, the Russian side proposed to declare a moratorium on weapon deployment in outer space. These proposals were further elaborated in the Conference on Disarmament working paper "Possible elements for a future international legal arrangement on the prevention of the deployment of weapons in outer space, the threat or use of force against outer space objects" introduced by Russia and China along with Belarus, Vietnam, Zimbabwe, Indonesia and Syria. It has received the initial approval by a number of states participating in the Conference and in our opinion could be discussed within the Ad Hoc Committee on the Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space. ... The fact that during several previous sessions the UN General Assembly adopted the resolution on preventing an arms race in outer space by overwhelming majority serves as the evidence of the wide international support for this idea. When interviewed by the Russian mass media on October 2, 2002, Igor S. Ivanov, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, declared Russia's willingness to take another measure of transparency and confidence-building in outer space, which is to provide early notification of the forthcoming space launches. We would like to reaffirm the importance of the NPT as a key tool to prevent such weapons from spreading, as a factor contributing to regional and global stability. We support the decision taken at the 2000 NPT Review Conference. We encourage fruitful work of the NPT Review Conference to be held in 2005. One of the most significant events that we would like to underscore in the context of the NPT universalization is Cuba's intention to accede to the Treaty and to ratify the Treaty of Tlatelolco. We hope that this decision will influence the attitude of other states, still abstaining from acceding to this fundamental document. ... We would like to express our satisfaction with...IAEA efforts...in strengthening...safeguards system. We support the IAEA project on innovative nuclear reactors and fuel cycles, which is in line with the initiative launched by Vladimir V. Putin, President of the Russian Federation, to develop proliferation-proof nuclear technologies. Russia regards the CTBT as one of the basic instruments in the sphere of nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, safeguarding strategic stability and security. The importance of this Treaty is confirmed by the Joint Statement of the foreign ministers of 18 states in support of the CTBT, which was made at the General Assembly session on September 14, 2002. We appeal to all countries that have not yet signed and ratified the Treaty to do so as soon as possible and especially to those countries whose ratification is required for the Treaty to enter into force. It is also important to adhere to the moratorium on nuclear weapon tests and whatsoever nuclear explosions until the CTBT enter into force.
Senegal (Cheikh Niang, October 7): Unfortunately...the 13 steps towards nuclear disarmament, identified at the last NPT Review Conference, had not produced the desired results. The criteria for verification and irreversibility must be strictly observed, and universality of the NPT must remain the highest priority. ... [Senegal] welcomed Cuba's decision to accede to the NPT and called upon those States not party to it to join it as soon as possible. In the absence of a reliable multilateral disarmament regime, bilateral arrangements could contribute to the promotion of international security. In that connection...[Senegal] welcomed the Moscow Treaty and the planned reductions of strategic nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, much remained to be done to banish the nuclear peril once and for all. Also critical was the early entry into force of the CTBT... [Senegal] applauded the agreement to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Central Asia, which should be followed in all parts of the world.
South Africa (Ncumisa Pamella Notutela, October 2): There has been little progress on nuclear disarmament and little to show on the thirteen nuclear disarmament steps agreed to by all of the NPT's states parties at the 2000 Review Conference. While de-alerting and reliance on substantively fewer deployed nuclear weapons has made significant gains in the Moscow Treaty, real disarmament has not been addressed. Furthermore, the first Preparatory Committee in the new NPT review cycle was disappointing. Although some delegations expended much energy and effort on proposals and reports, no substantive interaction took place and we ended up talking at each other but not with each other. This will need to be remedied for the second PrepCom and future deliberations. As a country that stepped back from the nuclear weapons abyss, South Africa remains totally committed to the complete elimination of these weapons. We, along with our partners in the New Agenda, submit two resolutions to the First Committee this year and count on past supporters to again join us in our pursuit towards a nuclear-weapon-free world. I want to use this opportunity of extending South Africa's congratulations to Cuba on its decision to become a state party of both the NPT and the Tlatelolco Treaty. This decision is of considerable significance as it now leaves only three states - India, Israel and Pakistan - outside the Treaty. ... South Africa also welcomes the endeavours of the five Central Asian states to establish a nuclear-weapon-free zone in that region and trust that these efforts will add further impetus to the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zone sin other parts of the world. ... The report of the UN Panel of Governmental Experts on missiles in all its aspects is a sad reflection on the current state of disarmament affairs. Panel members had vigorous discussions, but could not agree on a single recommendation for a course of action, and couldn't even agree on what the nature of the problem was. The draft International Code of Conduct against the Proliferation of Ballistic Missiles has undergone some development phases in which South Africa has actively participated. Its success will depend on the degree to which the final draft will be able to attract support, especially from those states possessing these ballistic missiles. Early drafts have not managed to adequately address the utilisation of the benefits of space for peaceful purposes and while at this early stage the ICOC only attempts to address proliferation, it would be important to have a disarmament goal included. The lack of progress regarding the early entry-into-force of the CTBT continues to be of concern to my delegation. The Joint Ministerial Declaration in support of the CTBT released by [foreign] ministers...of eighteen countries on September 14, 2002, underlines the urgency and commitment ministers have accorded [the issue]...
Sri Lanka (Prasad Kariyawasam, October 10): In our view, WMD-based security doctrines will only lead to further proliferation of such weapons. ... Therefore, we once again reiterate the need for complete elimination of all WMD programmes, in particular nuclear, from our midst. ... Despite [the] commendable efforts of the Chairman, Ambassador Henrik Salander, the outcome of the 1st session of the PrepCom of the [NPT] review process, in our view, fell short of expectations. For the success of the NPT Review Conference of 2005...it will be fundamentally important to maintain the moratorium on nuclear weapon test explosions, uphold the principle of irreversibility and [a] diminishing role for nuclear weapons in security policy, as well as to reaffirm security assurances given by nuclear-weapon states. Moreover, the status of implementation of the agreed outcome of the 2000 NPT Review Conference...will be an essential test... In this regard, we are concerned that as yet [there are no]...signs of any "negotiations" on a fissile material treaty [at the CD], nor do we have a subsidiary body in the CD on nuclear disarmament. However, as a positive step forward, we welcome the signing of the Moscow Treaty... As another important development, we also welcome the decision of Cuba to accede to the NPT... Sri Lanka supports the early establishment of an ad hoc committee in the CD on Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space with an agreed mandate. ... If we foreclose opportunities for discussion and negotiation on this [weapons in space] issue now, the international community may have to grapple with calls for non-proliferation of belligerent weapon systems deployed in outer space in time to come. ... We recognise the need to address the issue of missiles on a priority basis. However, this matter has to be approached in a comprehensive, non-discriminatory manner, covering not only non-proliferation and disarmament aspects but also international cooperation for peaceful purposes. ... In this regard, we welcome the report on this subject6 submitted this year to the UN General Assembly by the Secretary-General.
Switzerland (Christian Faessler, October 2): It is urgent that the Conference on Disarmament begins without delay negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons. ... [I]t is regrettable that the disarmament objective of Article VI of the NPT remains a very distant objective and that there are still vast stocks of nuclear material for military purposes which have no justification in terms of national security. With respect to the problem of tactical nuclear weapons my country is in favour of a multilateral, universal and verifiable treaty totally banning this kind of weapon. ... [W]e welcome the declaration of the 18 foreign ministers...calling on all those states that have not done so to sign and ratify the CTBT without delay and without conditions. ... [T]he recent decisions of Cuba to accede to the NPT and to ratify the Treaty of Tlateloloco, which Switzerland welcomes, underline the importance of the universality of the NPT. ... [M]y country welcomes the multilateral efforts to crate an International Code of Conduct against the proliferation of ballistic missiles. These efforts have made significant progress and we hope that the ICOC could be adopted by a great number of countries... My country is in favour of an immediate and unconditional resumption of inspections by the United Nations and the IAEA in Iraq and of the restoration of full cooperation by North Korea with the IAEA.
Thailand (Dr. Suriya Chindawongse, October 7): The results of the First [PrepCom]...for the NPT Review Conference in 2002, held in April this year, should help strengthen the momentum in the NPT process. We welcome Cuba's recent decision to accede to the NPT and to ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty. The IAEA's critical role in helping ensure nuclear safety and nuclear non-proliferation should be reinforced. ... It is therefore essential that developing countries have ready access to technical assistance so that they may build their capacities to ensure greater nuclear safety in the development of research, production and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. At the regional level, nuclear-weapon-free zones are an important instrument in disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. We thereby call on all states, particularly the nuclear-weapon states, to support the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone [Treaty]... We also welcome the recent progress in the discussions for the establishment of the Central Asia nuclear-weapon-free zone. ... Despite the holding of the Conference on Facilitating Entry into Force of the CTBT last November, the refusal of key Annex 2 states, particularly the nuclear-weapon states [with the exception of China, Russia and the UK], to ratify the treaty has the potential of eroding confidence in this important instrument... On our part, we are expediting our internal processes in order to ratify the CTBT as soon as possible.
Togo (Roland Kpotsra, October 3): [Togo] was worried about the stockpiling of nuclear weapons and insisted that nuclear disarmament should be an international priority. ... [Togo] did not want to see the arms race extended to new areas. Calling for universal adherence to the NPT...[Togo] urged States that had not yet done so to accede to it...[and] welcomed Cuba's decision to adhere to the treaty. With respect to missiles...[Togo] regretted that the ABM Treaty had just been denounced by one of its contracting parties and hoped that an erosion of stability would not occur as a result.
Tunisia (Noureddine Mejdoub, October 9): [T]he non-nuclear-weapon States were entitled to effective assurances against the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons. ... Nuclear-weapon-free zones were important regional arrangements. Israel's obstinate refusal to join the NPT and place its nuclear installations under IAEA safeguards had impeded regional disarmament and the establishment of lasting peace. Unfortunately...the international community was "swooping down" on another country and suspecting it of holding weapons of mass destruction, while Israel had an entire panoply of such weapons...
Turkey (Alper Coskun, October 10): We see an urgent need for a global and multilateral approach to intensify existing efforts against ballistic missile proliferation. Turkey strongly supports the process of universalisation of the International Code of Conduct...and we are looking forward to the ICOC launching conference... The effective implementation of the CTBT will certainly be beneficial to the global non-proliferation regime and to its pillar, the Non-Proliferation Treaty. ...In this context, the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs took part at the launching of the Joint Ministerial Statement on the CTBT on September 14, 2002, here at the United Nations. ... We welcome the signing of the [Moscow] Treaty...and the Joint Declaration by President Bush and President Putin on the New Strategic Relationship between these two countries and we see this Treaty as a step forward...in the field of disarmament and non-proliferation. ... [W]e are pleased that the negotiations on the Central Asian nuclear-weapon-free zone treaty have almost been concluded. We are looking forward to the signing of this treaty in the near future. ... Turkey supports the measures to strengthen the effectiveness and improve the efficiency of the [IAEA] safeguards system. Turkey herself has concluded and implements the Additional Protocol with the IAEA for this purpose. However, the overall progress on the number of states concluding and implementing the Additional Protocols leaves much to be desired.
Ukraine (Markiyan Kulyk, October 10): We welcome the signing of the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty as well as the Joint Declaration on new strategic relations between the [US and Russia]... The new agreement is a logical continuation of the nuclear arms reductions framework whose basic components are the INF Treaty of 1987 and the START Treaty of 1991. We expect that this process will be irreversible. ... [Presidents Bush and Putin have] underlined the importance of taking into consideration the interrelation between offensive and defensive arms, which has a special meaning...[since the] ABM Treaty creased to exist. We positively assess the intentions of the United States of America and the Russian Federation to determine further areas of cooperation on ABM-related issues. Ukraine, as a country that participated in the implementation of the ABM Treaty, will be ready to contribute to this process, in particular in the context of [a possible] ballistic missile defence [system] for Europe. The international community should...avoid the situation when outer space becomes a testing ground or deployment site for sophisticated weapons. There is an urgent need to develop a set of confidence-building measures aimed at reassuring those who express legitimate concerns that their defence capabilities will...be affected by the absence of the ABM Treaty. We are prepared to consider other options, particularly those which were out forward at the Conference on Disarmament this year. ... The successful conclusion of work on the elaboration of the International Code of Conduct Against Ballistic Missile Proliferation deserves [the] strongest support from the international community. We believe that a new multilateral instrument with the potential for universal adherence will provide the international community with additional tools for the strengthening of global security. We are also convinced that the United Nations has an important role to play in curbing missile proliferation. ... Ukraine welcomes the historic decision by the Republic of Cuba to become party to the NPT. This step provides a good example for those states which remain outside the treaty.
United Arab Emirates (Abdulaziz Nasser Al-Shamsi, October 3): [W]e call for developing a global and unconditional instrument to ensure security guarantees for countries that do not possess nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction. We also call for establishing specialised mechanisms derived from the disarmament conference [CD] to follow-up on the efforts to implement a gradual destruction of such weapons within a specific timeframe in accordance with Article 6 of the NPT. In this context, we would like to affirm the necessity...[of addressing] all issues related to missiles... The region of the Middle East is considered one of the most dangerous spots o tension in the world due to the suppression and military terrorism exercised by an occupying state which uses a superior military arsenal, in quality and quantity, of conventional and non-conventional weapons. In this context, the United Arab Emirates confirms that peace and security cannot be attained in the region as long as Israel...possesses nuclear weapons. Therefore, we call upon the international community, and in particular the great influential countries, to exert pressure on Israel to compel it to accede, unconditionally, to the NPT...[and] abstain from producing nuclear weapons and subject all its nuclear facilities to the safeguards of the IAEA...
United States (Stephen G. Rademaker, October 3): The demise of Communism in the former Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War were among the most dramatic - and most positive - developments in international relations of the past half-century. Not everyone appreciated the new opportunities presented by these developments, however, and many were reluctant to part with the familiar institutions of the Cold War. It was widely predicted, for example, that the ABM Treaty could not be ended without plunging the world into a new arms race. We have proven over the past year, however, that these predictions were ill founded. The ABM Treaty was amicably terminated, and the US and Russia promptly agreed to implement the largest reduction ever in deployed nuclear forces. The rapid negotiation of the US-Russian Treaty on Strategic Offensive Reductions, or "Moscow Treaty" for short, and the accompanying Joint Declaration on the New Strategic Relationship, was made possible by the new strategic framework President Bush constructed with Russia. As contrasted with strategic arms control during the Cold War, the negotiation of these agreements did not require years to work out complicated limits, sub-limits, and verification regimes - regimes that both countries agreed were unnecessary in this Treaty. In a few short months, the United States and Russia were able to record in a formal, long-lasting treaty the decisions each had made on the reduction of its strategic nuclear warheads. Thus the two parties put into legal form their respective commitments to each reduce by several thousands the number of deployed strategic nuclear warheads to 1,700 to 2,200 by the end of 2012. These reductions represent a cut of about two-thirds below current levels and far below the Cold War figures. At the same time, the United States and Russia agreed on a Joint Declaration, which addresses broader aspects of the new strategic framework. It focuses on the closely linked threats of international terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and acknowledges the major improvements in the nature of the US-Russian strategic relationship. It establishes a Consultative Group for Strategic Security, which held its first meeting two weeks ago in Washington. This body, which includes the foreign and defense ministers of the two countries, will permit us to continue discussions to explore additional ways to enhance transparency and predictability. In concluding the Moscow Treaty, the United States has once again taken steps in accordance with Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Uruguay (Dr. Felipe H. Paolillo, October 4): We are particularly pleased by the announcement made by the delegation of Cuba regarding its accession [to the NPT],,,as well as to the Tlatelolco Treaty. We [would] also like to call for the full implementation of the Thirteen Measures on Nuclear Disarmament agreed upon by the NPT Conference in the year 2000, since when no substantive advance has been registered. Uruguay is concerned by the difficulties which face the entry-into-force of the CTBT. Although we trust in the observance of the moratoria on nuclear test explosions, we believe that the effective validity of a treaty of this nature should not be delayed. ... We support the process of universalisation of the...International Code of Conduct against the proliferation of ballistic missiles and the convening of an international conference for its adoption, for Uruguay believes that the proliferation of such weapons has become an increasing threat.
Venezuela (Marly Cedeño Reyes, October 7): [Venezuela] welcomed Cuba's accession to the NPT and ratification of the Treaty of Tlatelolco...[and] hoped that the universality of the NPT was next on the international agenda. [Venezuela] welcomed the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones and was pleased by the progress made by the Central Asian States to form one. With respect to the CTBT...[Venezuela] had ratified it last May. With respect to the nuclear States, a binding legal instrument was needed to ensure that nuclear States would not be able to use, or threaten to use, nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States. ... [Venezuela] urged nuclear States to negotiate in good faith and reduce their nuclear arsenals. In regard to outer space...[Venezuela] supported Russia and China's proposal to prevent an arms race there. Insisting that weapons of mass destruction represented a threat to the entire international community...[Venezuela] expressed satisfaction with negotiations for the creation of the International Code of Conduct for ballistic missiles. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3229.)
Vietnam (Pham Thi Nga, October 3): [M]any provisions of the NPT Final Document agreed by consensus at the Review Conference...in 2000...have not been met. My delegation believes that all nuclear-weapon states must reaffirm their unequivocal commitment to the Treaty as well as fulfil their obligations under Article VI. ... We commend the signing of the US-Russia Strategic Offensive Reduction Treaty... The decision of Cuba to accede to the NPT and to ratify the Tlatelolco Treaty reflected Cuba's strong commitment to the disarmament issue [and] deserves our warmest felicitations. ... The government of Vietnam strongly supports the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in all geographic regions. ... In this spirit, Vietnam acceded to the Southeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone Treaty... [M]y delegation wishes to call on all nuclear-weapon states to ratify, as soon as possible, the Protocol annexed to this treaty so as to demonstrate their serious commitment to the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world. We also commend Mongolia's declaration of nuclear-weapon-free status and consider it a contribution to the establishment of a Central Asia nuclear-weapon-free zone.
Yemen (Mohamed Alnajar, October 10): Israel had not ratified the NPT or the CTBT treaties and was impeding efforts to rid the region of mass destruction weapons. Moreover, it continued to possess nuclear reactors outside the scope of international monitoring, aimed at its continuing illegal occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories. (UN Press Release GA/DIS/3231.)
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Dejan Sahovic, October 9): [W]e hope that the CTBT will enter into force as soon as possible. In our view, non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament are the preconditions for long-lasting global stability.
Zambia (Professor Mwelwa C. Musambachime, October 2): My delegation is concerned that nuclear weapons continue to dominate the strategic consideration of important states... Any military doctrine based on nuclear weapons is incompatible with the integrity and promotion of the international non-proliferation regime that my country has been committed to in the last 35 years. In return, Zambia expects the five nuclear-weapon states to take immediate steps to achieve the complete elimination of their nuclear arsenals. Unfortunately, there continues to be alarming signs of the continued development of new generations of nuclear weapons. ... I wish to welcome the new treaty between the United States and the Russian Federation...on the reduction of strategic offensive forces. Zambia hopes the world will witness many such bilateral initiatives. ... [M]y delegation wishes to welcome the decision of Cuba to accede to the NPT and ratify the [Tlatelolco] Treaty... My government hopes other countries will follow the example of Cuba... Zambia wishes to request the Conference on Disarmament to redouble efforts to achieve the conclusion of a fissile material cut-off treaty. Eliminating the obstacles in the way for the establishment of an ad hic committee to negotiate a convention of nuclear disarmament is an issue that should be given top priority by the Conference. ... There is urgent need for the United Nations to devote more attention to the issue of missile proliferation... My delegation would like this Committee to carefully consider he report of the Panel of Governmental Experts on the subject that will be presented to the General Assembly. ... The Code of Conduct that is being worked out should be supported by all countries in order to strengthen international peace and security.
© 2002 The Acronym Institute.